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THE 



FAME AND GLORY OF ENGLAND 
VINDICATED, 



BEING AN ANSWER TO 



THE GLORY AND SHAME OF ENGLAND." 



^r 



AUDI ALTERAM PARTEM. 



BY LIBERTAS. 



Some books are lies frae end to end, 
And some great lies \vere never penn'd — 
Even ministers t)iey hae been kenn'd 

In holy rapture 
A rousing wliid at times to tell, 

And nail't wi' Scripture.— J5u?"«a 



NEW YORK & LONDON 
WILEY AND PUTNAM. 

1842. 



'Assd^ 



CONTENTS. 



FagEo 



Introduction. 



CHAPTER I. 

Our author's arrival in England, . . .10 

CHAPTER H. 

London, and its Distress, ...... 2f> 

CHAPTER HI. 
Poor Laws of Britain, 39 



CHAPTER IV. 
The Factory System of Britain,. . . . „ 5(? 

CHAPTER V. 

British Corn Laws, ....... 77 

CHAPTER VL 

Taxation on the Working Classes in England and 
the -United States, . . ^ . . . , 89 

CHAPTER VH. 
British and American Commercial Systems, . - 10-5 

CHAPTER VHL 

Vice in England and the United States, . . . 148 

CHAPTER IX. 

Education in Britain and United States. ,158 



IV. CONTENTS. ' 

CHAPTER X. 5 

Church and State, . 170 ) 

CHAPTER XI. 1 

Lord Byron, . . . . . . .190 

CHAPTER XII. I 

The East Indies, China, and Slavery, . . .198 



CHAPTER XIII. 
N OF England a 
States^ 247 



General Comparison of England and the United , 



INTRODUCTION 



Our attention was first attracted to Mr. Lester's work, 
entitled " the Glory and Shame of England," by the ex- 
traordinary nature of that title. After a careful perusal 
of the work itself, our surprise was entirely removed. 
We have no doubt the author was seriously puzzled about 
the name under which his offspring should be ushered 
into the world. 

The work consists of extracts from English publica- 
tions, speeches of eminent individuals, alleged conversa- 
tions with distinguished English authors, fabricated adven- 
tures, information and anecdotes long since given to the 
world, with misrepresentation and hatred of England, trans- 
parent in every page. He might have thrown twenty 
titles into a ballot box, and whichever he drew out, would 
have been just as suitable as that he has adopted. 

Mr. Lester passed a few weeks in England, in 1840 ; 

and has ventured, on the faith of that visit, to palm on the 

world a tissue of the most impudent fabrications, that 

were ever published— relating as adventures which he 

2 



6 INTRODUCTION. j 

1 

had in that country, circumstances which could not have ^ 
occurred, and pillaging from other publications in a man- 
ner entirely his own. =! 

It has been too common to make extracts from other ''i 
works, without acknowledgment, but the author of " the ' 
Glory and Shame of England" has not been contented | 
with the old mode of appropriation, but has introduced a i 
new and improved system. He first creates certain per- i 
sonages, with whom he becomes acquainted, invests them ' 
with extraordinary memories, and makes them repeat to 
him, almost word for word, long passages from books al- 
ready published. These passages are given as entirely ' 
new matter, and they form a considerable part of the book 
reviewed in the following pages. In order that this sys- ; 
tern may be rendered acceptable to his readers, the author ' 
never ceases to pour out the most gross abuse upon Eng- I 
land and her institutions, and to laud the freedom, and 
proclaim the perfect happiness of the people of the United ■ 
States. ; 

The author has paid a poor compliment to his country- ' 
men, in supposing that such a work would be acceptable ; 
to them — every well educated and liberal minded Amer- 
ican, especially those who have visited England, must i 
turn from his pages with disgust. But he has evidently ., 
addressed his work to that large class of the commu- ; 
nity, who know little of Britain, excepting from the j 
public press, which is too much under the influence 
of those, w^ho appear to think that they can best forward ; 
the interests of that party spirit, which covers the Union j 
like a leprosy, by their unbounded abuse and misrepre- , 
sentation of their Father-Land. J 



INTRODUCTION. "^i 

That he has not erred in his calculation, appears from 
the favor with which his work has been received, and 
the complimentary notices it has obtained, both from lit- 
erary and religious publications. But there have been 
honorable exceptions to this rule, and it is evident, that 
the time has passed away, when works of unmeasured 
calumny and misstatement can be received with universal 
favor in this country. How much it is to be desired, 
that all who publish their observations on foreign coun- 
tries, would take the calm and philosophic Combe for 
their guide, in the tone and temper of their rem.arks. 

If we have not copied that model, in dealing with the 
.'.'ork in question, the blame must rest with him, who has 
made an attack on England, in which truth and decorum 
are entirely set aside. 

Our first object was to expose the mode in which Mr. 
Lester's book had been got up, and the numerous mis- 
statements, and unwarrantable inferences it contains re- 
specting England, and her institutions. But in the course 
of our examination, we have been led into the discus- 
sion of a variety of important subjects, which are pro- 
minently brought forward, or alluded to in that work. 
We have not confined our remarks on the English Corn 
Laws, Poor Laws, British and American Tariffs, Taxation, 
Education, Church and State, Slavery, and other interest- 
ing questions, to a mere answer to the loose and calumni- 
ous statements of that work, but endeavored to give such 
views of these questions, as we trust, may be read with 
interest by those who have not seen Mr. Lester's book. 



8 INTRODUCTION. 

In reversing the low position, on which he has placed \ 
Britain and her institutions, and the high elevation he has i 
assigned to the United States, we conceive that we have ! 
done no more than justice requires, and which, we feel as- | 
sured, impartial history will award to the two countries, ; 
when the transactions of the present generation shall be j 
placed on record. ,i 

The important statistical information in the following j 
work, has been drawn from the most authentic sources, i 
and much care has been bestowed to make no deductions 
from the facts contained in them, but such as are con- ^ 
sistent with the most strict limits of truth, or probability, j 
We hope that there will be found in that part of the work, ; 
much to arrest the attention, and excite the interest of | 
the Merchant and Politician. j 

The author will think his time well bestowed, if he j 
shall succeed in showing the impossibility of such works as 
•' the Glory and Shame of England" being published with- ■ 
out risk of detection and exposure, or in throwing any ad- •; 
ditional light on those questions which are now agitating -i 
the public on both sides of the Atlantic. j 

LiBERTAS. I 

March, 184 2 i 



THE 



FAME AND GLORY OF ENGLAND 
VINDICATED. 



CHAPTER L 

The first volume of Mr. Lester's work consists of 
eight Letters ; five of them dated from London, one 
from Chelmsford, one from Liverpool, all addressed to 
anonymous Correspondents, and one from Manchester, 
addressed to Rev. Dr. Channing. 

The second volume contains seven Letters. The 
first is from London, dated July, 1840, addressed to 
Washington Irving, Esq. ; the second from Utica,Sept. 
1841, to Hon. J. C. Calhoun ; the third anonymous 
address and without date; the fourth to Fitz Green 
Halleck, Esq., dated July, 1840 ; the fifth is dated Lon- 
don, 1840, to Esq., New York ; the sixth 

to Hon. John Quincy Adams, dated London, 1840 ; and 
the seventh from Utica, addressed to Hon. John C. 
Spencer, without date. It will be observed, that there 
is here no continuity of dates, and that the order of the 
letters is as loose and wandering, as the matter they con- 
tain. We cannot therefore take up the examination of 
2* 



10 author's arrival in ENGLAND. 

them in direct course^ as the same topics are frequently 
to be found in all the letters. We begin with 



OUR AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND. 

Mr. Lester, from his own account, reaches England 
in May, 1840. It is said he was one of the deputation 
from the United States to the World's Convention, held 
in London, in June, 1840. 

The author informs us that he was present at some 
of the meetings of that body, and gives some account of 
their proceedings, but he does not say in what capacity 
he attended. But however this may be, it is evident, 
from almost every page of his work, that the object of 
his journey was to make out a case of gross oppression, 
by the British Government, and deep degradation, and 
misery of the people, in order to show to the gaze of 
an admiring world, the free institutions, and perfect 
happiness of the people of the United States. American 
Slavery is seldom introduced, and when it is, our au- 
thor employs language so guarded and submissive, as 
might serve as a model for an experienced courtier. 

Fully embued with the most patriotic views, our 
new Knight of La Mancha sets off in quest of adven- 
tures, and on his landing at Liverpool, meets with a 
blind woman, begging — " her only covering a tattered 
skirt, and a ragged handkerchief thrown over her shoul- 
ders, and an old straw bonnet tied over her head with 
a coarse string.'^ Now he might meet with a blind 



ADVENTURE IN LIVERrOOL. 11 

beggar woman in Liverpool, in London, in New York, 
or Philadelphia, but that he met any person so dressed, 
in Liverpool, cannot be true. 

He had heard " so much about the profession of beg- 
ging, that he determined to examine the case himself." 
This was a wise resolution, as nothing can be more 
improper, than to bestow without examination, money, 
which may thus be given to the shameless impostor, 
but which might have been far better bestowed on the 
quiet and submissive sufferer. But what does our au- 
thor do ? He has a few minutes' conversation with the 
person applying for relief. He calls that an examina- 
tion, and down goes complaint number one, against 
Britain, and a feeling eulogium on himself, as having 
the " blessing of one ready to perish" on his head. 

The next adventure is with a very pretty, but pale 
faced girl, who offers him a companion. Our Rev. au- 
thor, [we draw from the preface of his work that he is 
entitled to that address) very naturally asks, whether it 
is a gentleman, or a lady, when the pretty pale-faced girl 
replies, with a smile, that it is a companion " more in- 
telligent than a gentleman, and less troublesome than 
a lady." Having delivered this speech, \vhich must 
have struck our author as no unfavorable specimen of 
the talents of the country he was visiting, she proceeds 
to offer him a book, called " the Railway Companion." 
But after all, this speech may have been learnt off the 
hook, as we shall show is customary with our author's 
speeches, and those of his friends. Be this as it may, 



12 LESTER S ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND. 

the Rev. gentleman was " interested in the girl's ap- 
pearance," and finds this case number two. " She 
was in poor health/' and besides was pretty, and pale 
faced, which must have reminded him of the charac- 
teristics of domestic beauty. So he goes on to question 
her, confining his inquiries, as in the former case to the 
party herself alone. But here he appears to have 
caught a tartar, for the pale faced girl proceeds to tell 
him, that she has a brother in America, that she thinks 
a deal of the 4th of July," " and that there is no such 
country in the world as America," and that she should 
think " that her brother liked it better than his own." 
Our author is not contented with these hints, but asks, 
" pray how did you know that I was an American ?" 
and she replies, " well Sir, I can hardly tell you," (no 
wonder) " but there is something about an American 
gentleman, that strikes me the first moment I see him." 
Now this was really too severe of the pale faced girl — 
we know many American gentlemen, who dislike the 
unpolite practice of chewing tobacco, (which was no 
doubt the thing she felt delicacy in mentioning) as 
much as any gentleman in England, and we rejoice to 
observe, that the disgusting practice is every day de- 
clining in America. Our traveller goes on notwith- 
standing, with his inquiries, and the girl informs him 
that her mother was ill of " the consumption," a phrase 
never used but in America. 

He then, on being informed that the girl had resid- 
ed some time in Bristol, asks " if she had ever heard 



THE FALE-FACED GIRL. 13 

Robert Hall preach." Now that celebrated preacher, 
and excellent man died, in 1831, and supposing the 
pale faced girl to be fourteen or fifteen, what could a 
child of five or six tell about Robert Hall's sermons 1 
But our author, determined she should be a character, 
makes her reply, that she not only remembers Robert 
Hall, but that he often used to drink tea at her mo- 
ther's house, and always had in his pockets " some- 
thing good for us." 

Our author here commences a course, which he fol- 
lows up throughout his whole work, of making extracts 
from published works, and making these extracts to 
be delivered to him in conversation with people, whom 
he professes to have met with in England. This we 
will make apparent as our work advances. In Mr. 
Hall's biography, page 67, it is stated, that in the 
early part of his ministry, " he used occasionally to 
take tea with the poorer members of his congrega- 
tion when he resided at Cambridge and Leicester; 
on which occasions he used to take tea and sugar in 
his pocket, and leave whatever was not used behind 
him." On this statement doubtless, has this story 
been founded. Mr. Hall was twice minister at Bris- 
tol, first, from 1784 to 1790, when the pale faced girl 
could scarcely have received a visit from him, and 
second, from 1827 to 1831, when he died. During 
this last period, his biographer informs us, page 192, 
" that he was not able to visit the poorer members of 
his flock, as he used to do, at their own habitations. 



14 LESTER S ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND. 

when at Cambridge and Leicester." But the truth of 
the story was of no consequence, so as it would form a 
little episode, in the tale of England's distress. 

We might dismiss the pale faced girl here, but there is 
a statement put into her mouth, by the Rev. author, 
which we cannot overlook. In page 19, we are informed 
'* that she and her family would be pretty comfortable, 
but for their being obliged to pay the surgeon so much for 
cutting off Charles's arms." This is a little brother, 
who had been so injured at a factory, as to render 
it necessary to have his arms cut off. When we read 
thus far, we began to doubt whether the author had 
ever been in England ; and if we had not been in pos- 
session of better evidence than his own, we should 
certainly have concluded that he had never been there. 
It is so monstrous to suppose, that if such circumstances 
had occurred, the proprietors of the factory would not 
pay all expenses attending so distressing an accident, 
when it is notorious that this is uniformly done, and 
that in most cases, permanent relief is given to the un- 
fortunate sufferers. But if any proprietor could even 
be found, so forgetful of what was due to justice and 
humanity, there are abundance of humane surgeons, 
who would at once interpose their skill gratuitously 
on such an occasion, and hospitals in every considera- 
ble town and city, where such cases receive the most 
prompt and skilful attention, without fee or reward. 
Every inhabitant of Britian knows this to be the fact, 
and so must every American traveller, who is at the 



THE PALE-FACED GIRL. 15 

pains to examine the institutions of the country. To 
them we confidently appeal for the correctness of 
our statement. The ignorant only can be imposed 
upon, by this bare faced libel on the country, and 
on the honorable and useful prolfession alluded to. 
We repeat, that there is not a town in Great Britian, 
where gratis medical and surgical attendance, as well 
as gratis medicine, cannot at once be procured. 

The pale faced girl still farther gratifies our author by 
stating, that " there are thousands in England who have 
nothing but what they get by begging," and that 
'^many go naked and hungry." Why, this girl is 
quite a philosopher. How fortunate our author is in 
his acquaintances. They seem to know by intuition 
what will please him. If there are such people as 
this girl represents, it is their own choice to remain 
beggars, as the law provides support for all unable to 
maintain themselves. This the girl admits, but she 
very properly dislikes the work-house ; — no won- 
der ; having hobnobbed at tea parties with Robert 
Hall, her taste must be somewhat elevated. 

We now leave this part of the " Shame of England " 
to introduce a new character, expressing our unquali- 
fied conviction that the whole story of the pale-faced 
girl is a tissue of falsehoods ; the honor of which may 
be divided between her and the author. 



16 



THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 

We are informed by our author, (page 20,) that af- 
ter he had received his book, " the girl turned away to 
seek another customer ; " and that " an accomplished 
and fine-looking man, of youthful appearance, who 
had been seated near us, and overheard our conversa- 
tion, called her back, and gave her a sovereign for one 
of her books." Now, we can understand how a fine 
looking man can be at once discerned ; but how an 
accomplished man can be known, before he opens his 
mouth, is beyond our comprehension. But, patience ! 
the discernment of our author is not at fault, although 
he had determined " to contemplate the society and 
institutions of England with the eyes of a Republican." 
(page 47.) He knows a nobleman intuitively ; and 
vrho does the new comer turn out to be, but an Irish 
nobleman, a real genuine live nobleman. Commend 
us to a repubhcan, for at once finding out a man of 
rank. On his lordship's polite introduction of himself, 
our author at once accepts the offer of another com- 
fanion for his journey to London, and expresses " his 
satisfaction at riding with him, no less as an Irishman 
than a nobleman." 

Now this, though a very clumsy, was a very com- 
plimentary speech. We would seriously recommend 
that Congress, or the State Legislatures, should look 
after those stray republicans. The few weeks of Mr. 



THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 17 

Lester's stay have evidently not injured his principles. 
But if men of weaker minds are to be allowed to travel 
in such dangerous places, some gag-law (which they 
know well how to manage in the United States) should 
be passed, restraining these men from liberty of speech 
when they meet with fascinating noblemen. Why 
should the salutary rule of restraint of speech be mo- 
nopolized by those who sit in high places, when it 
might be made so generally useful, and afford, in all 
places, such a judicious and delightful commentary on 
^* the free institutions of the New World V 

But we shall see whether our author maintains the 
accomplished character of his nobleman in the narra- 
tive. He begins by saying, " Your Repubhcanism I 
do respect, after alV After all what 1 Is it possible 
he had begun already to annoy his lordship in the way 
so waggishly alluded to, by the pale-faced girl % If 
such was the case, his lordship's good humor must have 
soon returned, as he is represented as giving much in- 
formation about the curiosities and antiquities of the 
country through which they were now passing, on their 
way to Birmingham. 

Twelve pages are occupied with a speech of his 
lordship about gambling in Crockford's, and other 
houses in London, all of which, we think, we have seen 
somewhere hefore. Here it is; and we earnestly re- 
quest the reader's attention to what follows. Our 
traveller, after having received these twelve pages 
of a speech, asks permission, on parting with " his 
3 



18 THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 

noble fellow traveller," (page 46,) " to make the con- 
versation public, suppressing all the names of parties, 
when it was necessary;" and informs us that this per- 
mission " was cheerfully given." Now what shall be 
thought of the matchless assurance of the man who can 
pass to the world as recent information, from an Irish 
nobleman, statements which, in almost every particu- 
lar, have, years ago, been laid before the American 
public 1 Yet so it is. 

In Mr. Foster's Cabinet Miscellany, published in 
New York, in 1837, is a work originally published in 
London, entitled, the " Great Metropolis," believed to 
be by Mr. Grant, of that city. The whole of his lord- 
ship's speech, excepting a few things, which have been 
most likely taken from some other work, is to be 
found in the " Metropolis ; " some change being, of 
course, made in the language, in order to conceal the 
deception. We give some specimens from both works, 
which our readers will compare. 

Irish Nobleman. Metropolis. 

In page 25, our author's The Metropolis (page 80,) 

Nobleman says, " There is a says, " Crockford'sis the larg- 

vast number of gaming houses est gaming establishment in 

in London, but the chief of this metropolis, perhaps in 

all is Crockford's ; it is proba- the world. It was built at 

bly the most extensive ga- the enormous expense of 

raiiig establishment in the £60,000, while the furnishing 

world; it is supposed, that of it cost £35,000, making 

the household furniture cost altogether a sum, not much 

£100,000." short of £100,000." 



GAMBLING. 



19 



Irish Nobleman. 



The jMobleman, 
ing of Crockford's 
merits, p. 26, says, ' 
dinner, and liberal 
choice wines, will 
spire a disposition 
bling, when it did 
before." 



in speak- 
entertain- 
A superb 
supply of 
often in- 
for gam- 
not exist 



Page 26— "Crockford's wine 
cellar, which is the great 
agent that insures the success 
of the house, is 300 feet long, 
and filled with the choicest 
wines and liquors in the 
world; it contains 300,000 
bottles and innumerable 
casks," 



Paofe 27 



Crockford's 



cook, the celebrated Mon- 

seiur , I forget his name," 

(cunning little Isaac,) " has 
a salary of one thousand gui- 
neas." 

Page 27 — In speaking of 
the gaming at the hazard 
table. '* Crockford's delicious 
wines once more sparkle on 
the table afresh, and the 
game once more goes on ; an 
immense stake is laid, exceed- 
ing the aggregate of all that 
had gone before; the throw 



'Metropolis. 

The Metropolis says, "A 
superb supper, with a liberal 
supply of the choicest wines 
which London can afford, 
often inspire a disposition to 
gamble, when nothing else 
will." 

Page 83— *'The wines are 
of the choicest sort;" and 
again, " the number of bot- 
tles which I saw shelved be- 
fore me, independent of in- 
numerable hogsheads, was 
300,000. 



Page 83 — " Crockford's 
cook is the celebrated Mon- 
sieur Ude. His salary is a 
thousand guineas per an- 
num." 

Page 85 — In speaking of 
the hazard table: "The 
stakes are unusually high. 
He loses perhaps a fourth 
part of his fortune in less than 
an hour; he tables another 
fourth — he loses again. He 
becomes desperate. In the 
delirium or madness (for that 



20 



THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 



Irish Nobleman. 
is made — he loses it ! He 
now feels that unless he can 
recover himself by one fortu- 
nate throw, he is a ruined 
man; and in the random of 
desperation, he resolves to 
make or mar his fortune for- 
ever. ' He stakes his all.' 
The next cast of the dice 
makes the young nobleman a 
beggar." 

Page 29 — Not many years 

ago, Lord , paid down 

on his coming of age, for 
debts of honor contracted at 
Crockford's, before he was 
twenty-one years old, the 
enormous sum of j£100,000. 

Page 29—" Lord , the 

grandson of an aged and ven- 
erable Earl, lost £30,000 in 
one night." 

Page 29— "It is well 
known that the Marquis of 

H , has at different times, 

won over a million and a half 
sterling, and spent the greater 
part of it in dissipation." 



Metropolis. 
is the proper word) of the 
moment, he determines on 
staking his all on one throw. 
The dice turn up. All is lost. 
He, who a few hours before 
was a rich man, is now a beg- 
gar." 



Page 83 — Some years ago, 
a noble lord paid down 
£100,000 on his coming of 
age, for debts of honor he 
had contracted at Crock- 
ford's." 

Page 86 — " It is only three 
years ago, since a noble lord, 
the grandson of an aged and 
noble earl, lost £30,000 in 
one night." 

Page 86—" It is said that 
one nobleman, has from first 
to last, in the course of his 
life, won upwards of £1,500,- 
000 ; how it has been spent, 
for it is understood to have 
been for the most part spent, 
is pretty generally known to 
the public." 



GAMBLING. 



21 



Irish Nobleman. 

Page 29—'* If a gentleman 
whose estate is sufficiently- 
large, offers to play for a 
stake of £100,000, at Crock- 
ford's, he is instantly accept- 
ed." 

Page 33— Crockford was 
once a small fishmonger in 
Temple bar, as ignorant as 
he was low." 

Page 33— "He purchased 
a small share in a gambling 
bank; afterwards he engaged 
in a large establishment, 
which cleared in one season, 
£200,000; loaded dice, and 
other means of foul play, 
which were afterwards found 
in that place by the magis- 
trates, insured their success." 



Page 33— "He (Crockford) 
is still an exceedingly illiter- 
ate fellow, and speaks in the 
style of a hackney coachman." 



Metropolis. 

Page 87—" Let any noble- 
man or gentleman whose for- 
tune is sufficiently larg^, offer 
to play for a stake of £100,- 
000, and he is accepted by 
Crockford in a moment." 

Page 92— In speaking of 
Crockford : " He was original- 
ly a small fishmonger, with- 
out a penny in the world, in the 
neighborhood of Templebar." 

Page 93—'- Crockford pur- 
chased for £100, the fourth 
share of a gambling bank, at 
No. 5 King street, St. James." 

Page 94 — "In one season, 
according to the statement of 
a gentleman who lost to a 
very considerable amount the 
proprietors must have divided 
among them, the sum of 
£200,000. At this place, 
loaded dice were found." 

Page 94—^*1 have men- 
tioned that he (Crockford) is 
quite an illiterate person, not- 
withstanding the polished so- 
ciety into which circumstan- 
ces have brought him for 
many years past; he still 
speaks in the same hackney 
coachman style as formerly." 



22 THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 

Irish Nobleman. Metropolis. 

Page 34—'' Why it is stat- 
ed, and probably was true, 
that the late aid-de-camp of 
Lord Hutchinson, after hav- 
ing ruined himself by play, 
cut his throat in a fit of des- 
pair. It happened, however, 
that his life was saved, and 
after some weeks he recover- 
ed. The first place he went 
to, after he was allowed by 
his surgeon to go out, was the 
very gaming house where he 
had lost his money, and form- 
ed the desperate purpose of 
destroying himself" 



103— "But perhaps 
the most extraordinary proof 
ever furnished, of the diffi- 
culty, if not impossibility, of 
curing the propensity, was 
that afforded by a late aid-de- 
camp of Lord Hutchinson. 
This gentleman, after having 
ruined himself by play, went 
one day, in the depth of his 
despair, and cut his throat 
with a razor. It chanced, 
however, that the wound, 
though so dreadful, that no 
hopes of recovery were for 
some days entertained, did 
not prove fatal. Aided by 
the first surgical skill and 
care, he recovered. Where 
does the reader suppose he 
went to on the first day he 
was allowed ? to the very 
gaming house in which he 
had lost the money, the loss 
of which had made him 
form the resolution of destroy- 
ing himself" 



We could multiply proofs of the identity of the two 
books on the subject of gambling, but have done 
enough. In page 33, the Irish nobleman is represent- 



TRULY MARVELLOUS. 23 

ed as referring to Mr. Grant for one of his facts, viz. 
that eight millions sterling are annually lost in the 
different gambling houses in London. If the author in- 
tended this as a resource in case of detection, it cannot 
avail him, as the object is too apparent. The slightest 
examination of this part of the author's work, will show, 
that he could not have received the information about 
gambling, in the way he has stated. He was travelling 
from Liverpool to London by rail-road, and before 
reaching the capital, he parted with his Irish friend. 
Can any man suppose that travelling at the rate of 
from twenty to thirty miles an hour, he could put 
so much matter in a shape for publication ? The Irish 
nobleman's memory in reciting so many facts, with 
names, sums of money, &c. must be the most extraor- 
dinary that the world has ever witnessed ; to say noth- 
ing of the hero of the story himself. We submit to 
every reader of these pages, that the author of the 
" Glory and Shame of England" made up this portion 
of his w^ork, from Foster's Miscellany, published some 
years ago, and \vi\h a hardihood which has never been 
exceeded, put the facts in the mouth of an Irish nobleman, 
a character, that every one must be satisfied never had 
an existence. 

But it may be said, that from whatever source these 
statements have been derived, they reflect much on 
the character of England. We admit that nothing 
can be more disgraceful and pernicious than gam- 
bling, being alike dangerous to the welfare of 



24 THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 

those who indulge in the practice, in time and eter- 
nity. We may however remark, that there is evident- 
ly much loose and hasty statement, in the work of Mr. 
Grant. So much is this believed, that the American edi- 
tor of the Miscellany (page 109) has appended the fol- 
lowing note at the conclusion of these statements. " It is 
almost needless to say that these accounts are grossly ex- 
aggerated, received upon hearsay, by a credulous as well 
as prejudiced mind, and retailed as facts without exami- 
nation." An impartial writer in copying from this 
book would have given the above note also, but that 
"would have both detracted something from his charge 
against England, and have discovered the source from 
which he had derived his information. 

That the practice of gambling is carried on in London, 
to a great extent, is notorious. That it is greater in pro- 
portion to its enormous size, and wealth, than in other 
large cities we do not believe. Government, on whose 
head all the evils of society are heaped by our author, is 
in no respect to blame for it. The London magistrates 
have done every thing in their power to discourage it, 
and have been most dihgent in detecting, and suppress- 
ing the " hells," as they are called, where foul play is 
practised. We fear this is one of those vices, which 
nothing but the force of conscience, acted on by the 
reception of genuine religion and morality, will ever fully 
eradicate. The gambling in Paris, Brussels, Ham- 
burgh, Vienna, and other large cities on the continent 



LOTTERIES. 25 

of Europe, is known to be carried on to an enormous 
extent ; and if the reverend author would have cast his 
eyes over the gambling houses of New York, and other 
large American cities, and above all in New Orleans, 
he would have found ample grounds for lamentation 
and reproof. We have little doubt that the last men- 
tioned city, taking its comparative size and wealth into 
account, is more addicted to gambling, than any other 
in the world. 

One branch of gambling, viz : Lotteries, the only 
one on which Government could exercise any posi- 
tive prohibition, and which yielded a large public 
revenue, was many years ago put down by Act 
of Parliament. This example has been wisely followed 
by some of the Northern states in the American Union. 
In others it still flourishes in all its vigor, to the 
great injury of the morals of the people. Recommend- 
ing this subject to the consideration of Mr. Lester in 
his next edition, we return for a short time to his Irish 
friend. 

In page 36, our author says, " When the cars stopt 
at Birmingham we were charged at the refreshment 
rooms for a cold slice of beef, and a single but- 
tered roll, half a crown {62^ cents,) which reminded 
me that Englishmen are not always the immaculate 
creatures as some would have us suppose.^^ What a 
non sequiter ! " There must have been between 250 
and 300 persons in the hall — Lord — " (i. e. the Irish 



26 THE IRISH NOBLEMAN ELOQUENT. 

nobleman,) " requested the company^ to listen for one 
moment. — ^^ Gentlemen, said be, I find tbat we are most 
rudely insulted at tbis bouse, in being called upon to 
pay half a crown for a cold slice, and a roll. For one 
I will not do it ; not because I am unwilling to pay 
any reasonable charge, but because it is both unjust and 
abusive. Besides, I do not wish my companion, who 
is an American, nor any other stranger who may be 
present, to suppose, that we do not know when we 
are well treated, or will submit to an insult like this^ 
from our own countrymen. I propose that we pay the 
usual charge for such an entertainment, and leave our 
good will for the house, or else pay the bill this fellow 
presents, and let the house suffer the consequences. 
Injustice is never to be borne by free Englishmen." 

Now we ask, if such an amount of vulgar nonsense 
could have been uttered by an accomplished JYobleman, 
That any person of rank would have come forward on 
such an occasion, is not likely ; that any educated man 
could have spoken in such magniloquent terms ; calling 
an overcharge, an insult, is preposterous. But the finale, 
on such an occasion, about " free Englishmen," would 
be too bombastical even for a set of New York firemen, 
swearing by the blood of their Revolutionary fathers, 
that they should have the election of their own fore- 
man, or that No. 30 should have the glorious liberty 
of mauling No. 40, ad libitum. 



CHARGES AT HOTELS. 27 

Before parting with his distinguished companion, our 
author has a chapter on charges for servants at Hotels. 
It is customary, in setthng the bills, to allow a small sum 
for Waiter, Chambermaid, and Boots, which, those who 
are accustomed to travel in Britian do, by adding the 
allowance to their bill, and paying the whole at once, 
without any separate transaction w^ith the servants. 
Strangers unacquainted with this custom, find it occa- 
sions them some annoyance from the servants, by appli- 
cations for the usual allowance, when they are leav- 
ing the house. We think the custom a bad one, and 
prefer the practice of all charges being at once includ- 
ed, and are pleased to learn that it is likely to be dis- 
continued, many houses having already adopted the 
latter principle, which will, no doubt, soon become 
general. Our author as usual, destroys his case by 
overstatement. He represents the chambermaids, as 
charging for chambers " you never enter, nor never 
will." This is a mere fabrication, no such charge being 
made, as every American who has visited Britain, must 
know. He adds, " you submit to these ancient, (and of 
course, venerable) customs of England, as you do to the 
everlasting drizzling of its cKmate," &c. Now this is 
a very improper remark from a clergyman. If the 
sky and climate of England are not so clear as in the 
Western Hemisphere, it has other natural advantages 
bestowed on it by the Heavenly Author of our world, 
which counterbalance any drawbacks ; the best proof 
of which is, that the average duration of human life is 



28 THE IRISH NOBLEMAN. 

much greater in England than in America. We have 
often heard it alleged, that some Americans think they 
had something to do in making their own sky and 
climate. Is it possible that the reverend author is a 
heretic of that school ? 



CHAPTER IL 

LONDON, AND ITS DISTRESS. 

Our hero at last reaches London. On his passage 
from the " Railway station at Easton Square" he says, 
(page 14) " to avoid the throng, we passed through 
different bye streets, where not a lamp was to be seen, 
nor a voice heard, save the noise of low debauchery, 
coming up from some foul and dismal cellar." How 
can this statement be consistent with truth ? our author 
from his own account, was quietly seated in his " gloo- 
my apartment in the Guildhall tavern," and had begun 
his first letter, from London, before twelve o'clock, and 
it is notorious that no lamps are extinguished in Lon- 
don, or any other large city in Britain, till two or three 
o'clock in the morning. 

Again, what quick ears must the Rev. author have, 
if he could know what was taking place, even in the 
bye streets of London, as he passed rapidly through 
in a cab or hackney coach. 

Our author (page 47) commences his second letter in 
the following terms : " My first acquaintance in the me- 
tropolis, I formed under peculiar circumstances. This 
morning before breakfast, as I was turning a corner in 
4 



30 LONDON AND ITS DISTRESS. 

the Hall, under rapid motion, I came in contact with a 
gentleman, who was advancing as fast towards me, and 
the shock was so violent, that it threw us both upon 
the floor. Our hats went in one direction, and canes in 
another, and our persons were displayed at full length 
upon the carpet, very much to the amusement of the 
chambermaid, who had the impudence to laugh at our 
misfortune." Now we think we have long ago read 
this, perhaps in Humphrey Chnker, or in some book of 
equal veracity, but we have not the means of quot- 
ing chapter and verse, as in other cases. Some of our 
readers will probably remember the original. 

This rencounter produces a successor to the Irish no- 
bleman, in the person of a Captain Manners, which our 
author tells us is not the gentleman's real name, as if 
it was necessary to give us that piece of information. 

This third co7npanion has, of course, " nothing to do" 
but to show all the lions of London to the Rev. author. 
He shows him the Thames, the bridges, and many other 
wonders, and we are informed that the New London 
Bridge is made of " Scotland granite.''^ 

Our Rev. author makes quick work of the ten thou- 
sand streets in London, and proceeds (page 56) to his 
congenial region, viz. " the poverty stricken, and squalid 
abodes of Spitalfields." — After an examination, of what 
kind we are not informed, as he does not allege that he 
entered any house in that quarter, he says, that " he loves 
the spirit of American democracy better than ever, the 
interminable woods and prairies, which stretch away to^ 



SPITALFIELDS. 31 

wards the shores of the Pacific, offering a home to the 
poor oppressed, taxed, degraded, lower class of Great 
Britain." 

These most patriotic remarks are followed up by a 
speech from companion No. 3, to the following effect : 
" Half the time," said my companion, "they cannot find 
employment, and when they can, what do they get for 
their labor ? Not enough to satisfy the simplest wants 
of nature." " In England the poor must labor or 
starve ; and they must let their employers fix the 
price of their labor." He then informs us, " that he 
had seen more wretchedness, and pinching poverty, 
more disgusting and heart-sickening degradation, in 
one Lane in Spitalfields, than during eighteen months, 
on a visit to the United States." — " He does not meddle 
much with politics, but is of opinion that oppres- 
sion and misrule have produced very much of this suf- 
fering and vice." 

Now our author and his Cicerone, here make som_e 
singular statements. First, when the former looked 
on the wretchedness of Spitalfields, he thought of 
American democracy and the broad prairies. Now it 
was natural for him to think of the only country scenes, 
which he had probably ever seen, except on his run 
from Liverpool to London. But if he wanted to make 
country scenery delightful by contrast, he need not have 
travelled so far, but have gone to the Five Points at 
New York, or to Orange street, and there he would have 
found squalid misery enough. But he must away across 
the Atlantic, to spy out the misery of other lands, not 



32 LONDON AND ITS DISTRESS. 

from any benevolent object of suggesting improve- 
ment, but that his vanity may be gratified by con- 
trasting it v^rith the country, " which affords a home 
to the oppressed of Great Britain." 

With regard to No. 3, whom our author conveniently 
makes out to have been eighteen months in the United 
States, in order that he may join him in drawing the 
contrast, it is plain that in many places, both in Eng- 
land and America, either he or his friend might have 
lived eighteen years, without seeing any squalid misery. 
The only difference is, that in Britain they sought 
out the poverty, and misery. In America, they looked 
on the surface, because if they had gone a little lower, 
discoveries might have been made, that Americans 
'' were not quite the immaculate creatures they would 
have us beheve." 

One would suppose, on reading many passages in this 
work, that all the poor of Britain and other European 
countries, had received support on their arrival in the 
United States, without giving any equivalent on their 
part ; when the fact is, that the United States guard, 
with the greatest jealousy, against the introduction of 
mere paupers, into the country. She imposes a tax on 
all emigrants on their arrival, to cover the risk of pau- 
perism. This is not done in Britain, in similar circum- 
stances, and we are not aware of any facilities given 
to foreigners, which are not afforded in all other coun- 
tries. She has done nothing for them that has not 
been dictated by interest, or state policy. With a 
country capable of supporting ten times its present 



SILK MANUFACTURE. 33 

number of inhabitants, she has been wise enough not to 
impose any heavy burdens on foreigners. The conse- 
quence has been, that her population has increased six 
fold since the revolution, and how vast is the propor- 
tion of this increase arising from immigration. 

Her fields have been cultivated, her bridges and houses 
have been built, her canals and railroads formed, chiefly 
by foreigners, and to their skill and labor is she chiefly 
indebted for the progress she has made in manufactures. 
Her political privileges have been readily and unwisely 
bestowed on these foreigners, for every day's experi- 
ence is showing, that these privileges in the hands of 
multitudes who enjoy them, are alike injurious to the 
holders themselves, and to the Union at large. 

No. 3 says, the laborer in England must work or starve. 
In what country, we ask, is labor not required of those 
who have not the means of support otherwise ? We 
know none. It is certainly not in the United States. 
But it is asserted that in Britain the laborers must work 
at the price their employers choose to give. It is sin- 
gular that our author should make such a statement, 
especially in connection with Spitalfields. 

The silk manufacture was originally founded in that 
district, by Protestant refugees from France, and was an 
object of the special protection of the British government. 

To prevent the decline of wages, an act of Parlia- 
ment was passed in 1778, authorizing the magistrates 
of Middlesex to fix the rate of wages for the weavers, 
and prohibiting masters and workmen from paying or 
4* 



34 LONDON AND ITS DISTRESS. 

receiving other rates. Under this most pernicious act, 
the silk trade languished, and m seasons of commercial 
embarrassment, far more distress was of course expe- 
rienced by the workmen, than in places where the 
trade was free. In 1824 this act was repealed, and 
we believe it is the only instance of such an absurd 
regulation having existed in Britain, except during the 
dark ages of her history. 

The silk trade has, smce the abrogation of that law, 
made rapid progress, and is carried on to great extent, 
in its old seat, in Manchester, in Macclesfield, and 
other places in Lancashire. Spilalfields is, hke other 
manufacturing places, exposed to all the fluctuations 
arising from foreign and domestic trade. That the 
operatives are oppressed, either there,|^or in any part of 
Britain, is utterly untrue. Direct taxes they do not pay 
at all. The working-man in America pays more taxes 
than the working-man in Britain, as we shall after- 
wards show. 

No. 3 takes our author to Westminster Abbey, and 
gives us a speech of several pages, but so superior to 
our author's style, that it has most likely been copied 
from the hook. A long comment then follows on 
various characters, whose earthly ashes slumber in that 
interesting place of repose. This is so strangely 
mixed up by our author with Lexington, Bunker's 
Hill, Pilgrim Fathers, whipping the Enghsh, ethoc 
omne genus, that its paternity to a certain extent, can- 
not be doubted. Another piece of better composition, 
is interjected from page 83 to 93. 



WESTMINSTER GIRL. 35 

On leaving the Abbey, a most moving scene takes 
place. The Rev. author sees" a very pretty girl" (he 
never seems at fault on this subject) " watering a York 
and Lancaster rose." He wishes to have this rose, as a 
token, but it is the only one. " Will you part with that 
rose, to a stranger, my dear ?" " Oh I no sir, I have 
tended it for several months, and cannot think of parting 
with it, and it's the only flowerl have in the world too." 
He threw down half a crown. It must have been on 
the ground, as there could be no tables in the walk— 
what a generous man ! and done so gracefully too ! 
It is thrown down, however, and the girl does not 
throw it at him, as his rudeness deserved, but breaks 
the stem, and gives him the rose. Our author relents. 
It was a cruel thing to take a rose from a girl (he 
says) shut up in brick walls, " where the fresh coun- 
try air never moves," although this is close upon those 
magnificent parks, which are the very lungs of London. 
He turns and otfers back the rose. The girl is in 
tears. He gives her another crown. She tells him 
he is generous, and he is kind, and as the best of 
friends must part at last, he in the end parts with this 
pretty girl also. 

This repubhcan seems to have a great fancy for 
crowns, a term rarely used in England in reference to 
money, shillings being always employed when speak- 
mg of sums below a pound, although half a crown 
is occasionally mentioned. The pale-faced girl's book 
IS a crown. The Birmingham lunch is half a crown. 



36 LONDON AND ITS DISTRESS. 

The Westminster girl's rose is half a crown, and a 
crown, and all the Americans are declared by the Irish 
nobleman, to be heirs apparent to the crown. We 
have seldom read a piece of namby pamby nonsense 
equal to the story of the Westminster girl. 

Our traveller next makes his appearance at page 
98, when on his way to the World's Convention with 
"one of the distinguished philanthropists of Great 
Britain." 

As a matter of course, he meets wdth an adventure, 
two children about eight years old are begging in a 
small street near Pater Noster Row. This must be 
Ave Maria Lane, if there is any truth in the story 
at all. The gentleman accompanying our author 
wishes to go on, but Mr. Lester prefers the advent- 
ure with the children, and here his usual powers of 
romance display themselves. The children are clothed 
" in a coarse hempen sack, with holes for the neck 
and arms." They kneel on the pavement to our hero 
and his friend, and leave the fresh blood on the stones, 
when they are desired to get up. 

We have been in London often, and in most of 
the large cities in Britain, but never did we see such a 
dress as that described, and we appeal to all who have 
had the same opportunity of observation, for the cor- 
rectness of what we say. We believe the slaves in 
America sometimes are clothed in dresses of coarse 
canvas or osnaburgh, and the author may have drawn 
on his imagination, and tranferred the scene of their 
exhibition, from a slave region, to a free country. 



LONDON BEGGARS. 37 

That any person in England would kneel to a fellow 
creature, and leave the blood behind him, is too absurd 
to be noticed ; miserable slaves we believe often kneel 
to their masters, to implore the remission of punish- 
ment, when masters are about to give them prac- 
tical illustrations " that all m.en are born free and 
equal ;" and some recollection of this kind must have 
floated through the author's brain, when he penned 
this part of his narrative. 

We have already convicted our author of glaring 
fabrications. If he wishes to escape having this ad- 
ded to the number, let him bring forward the philan- 
thropist, who can have no object in refusing his testi- 
mony. Our author, in his usual style of examining 
facts, puts questions to the children. Little must 
he have been accustomed to give charity, or he 
would have drawn no conclusion, till the children's 
story was corroborated by other testimony. 

They offer to sell him a penny book which they had 
stolen from a stall. They say that *• they 5ee" the book 
on a stall, a phrase never used in Britain. The lan- 
guage of such children may be inaccurate enough in 
many respects, but in speakmg of what is past, the most 
ignorant never use the present time in any word. It 
belongs to this side of the water. The children are 
represented as saying, that they stay all day in the 
streets, and at night " where the policemen puts us." 

This is pure fabrication. Street begging is strictly 
prohibited, and on its being detected, the police officers 
convey the parties to the nearest office of the mendi- 



•38 MR. Lester's modesty. 

city society, which gives them temporary relief, till they 
can forward them to the Parish, which is bound by law 
to give them support. This is well known to be the 
practice all over the country. Our author lectures 
" the philanthropist" in a rude and ostentatious man- 
ner for his conduct to these children. How much he 
is unlike the man — 

" Who did good by stealth 
And blushed to find it fame." 

He contrasts his own conduct, with that of his com- 
panion, and closes the subject by an affecting allusion 
to his reward in a better world, which he appears sat- 
isfied he has secured. Our author gives a long extract 
from evidence taken by the House of Commons, show- 
ing the vast extent of frauds practised in begging. 

If Mr. Lester had, in his short visit to England, met 
with such applications for relief, and if he had been really 
desirous to serve the parties, he would have given some 
immediate assistance, and then endeavored to make 
such an arrangement, in the proper quarter, as would 
be likely to ensure a permanent change in their habits. 
The truth is, that of all the classes of poor people, 
there are none entitled to so little compassion as the 
common importunate beggars, especially in countries 
where the law relieves, in all cases of real distress ; 
and while on this subject, we shall give our next 
chapter on the Poor Laws of Britain. 



CHAPTER III. 

POOR LAWS IN BRITAIN. 

The great objects of compassion, whose cases should 
ever meet with prompt rehef, are those who from age, 
or sickness, or other causes, are unable to exercise their 
wonted industry. These frequently shrink from receiv- 
ing that relief, from a sense of independence, or the 
remembrance of brighter days, to which they are both 
legally and morally entitled. The importunate beg- 
gar, on the other hand, has no such feelings. If he is 
relieved in the street, or at the house door, without far- 
ther inquiry, it is only giving away those means which 
should have been bestowed on more worthy objects. 

These people do not wish to have parish relief, for 
their wandering, and predatory habits would then be 
destroyed ; and it has been frequently ascertained, that 
the more artful beggars have received six times the 
amount that would maintain them, which they gener- 
ally spend in dissipation, and in some cases have been 
known to hoard up large sums of money, obtained from 
the mistaken benevolence of their fellow-men. 

The greatest objects of pity are the children of such 
parents. The only chance of saving them from these 
habits, which will in all probability effect their ruin, 



40 POOR LAWS OF BRITAIN. 

is to take them from their parents, and place them in 
the Parish Work House, or other public Institution. 
When orphans are left without means, or friends to take 
charge of them, this is the course pursued. It is even 
more necessary with the class we have mentioned, 
than if they were orphans, as there is no hope of chang- 
ing their habits, but by withdrawing them from the in- 
fluence of such bad associations. 



Those who have reflected, and have written much 
on the subject, have differed materially as to the 
best mode of relieving the poor. One class, at the 
head of which is the celebrated Dr. Chalmers, of Scot- 
land, has contended, that to give fixed parochial relief 
to the poor is most pernicious, as it tended, by making 
the working classes look to such assistance, to break 
down the spirit of frugality, and industry, and to des- 
troy that independence of mind, which is one of the 
best features in the peasantry of a country. The Doc- 
tor contended that all relief should flow either from pri- 
vate charity, or the benevolence of Christian congre- 
gations, to their poor members. So far did he carry 
his favorite theory, that he has said in some of his pub- 
lications, that he would rather see his native land 
overrun by hosts of beggars, than have the continuance 
of regular poor rates, as at present. 

It must not be supposed that the Rev. gentleman 
was indifferent to such an event. He was merely com- 



ANCIENT POOR LAWS OF BRITAIN. 4-1 

paring one admitted evil, with what he viewed as a 
great evil. No man ever felt, or ever did more for the 
poor than he did, when he had the charge of a parish. 
The Doctor's views about the poor have not, however, 
been so generally adopted, as on other subjects, on 
which he has published, and it is quite evident, that the 
public mind in Britain decidedly prefers parochial or 
public relief, considering it the only practicable means of 
meeting the evil. 

Much attention has of late years been bestowed, in 
considering the extent to which that relief should be 
given. This has differed widely in the great divisions 
of Britain, viz. England and Scotland. 

The Poor Laws of England were originally established 
in the reign of Queen Ehzabeth. Previous to that 
period, the country appears to have been in a state of 
excessive annoyance, from beggars of every class and 
description, from the lame, aged, and infirm, who were 
really objects, to the sturdy vagrant, who preyed on 
whatever property he could lay hold of, as he passed 
through the country. The law of Elizabeth provided 
permanent support for all the poor, aged, sick and in- 
firm, and for children, who had no means of support 
otherwise. It is quite evident, that all these classes 
were proper subjects for parochial relief, but the poor 
laws did not stop there, but in time, relief was also given 
to able bodied men, who either could not get work, or 
alleged that they could not. 
5 



42 POOR LAWS OF BRITAIN. 

Much abuse grew out of this part of the law. The 
parish paid the unemployed laborers the wages gener- 
ally received, and frequently hired them out, at a re- 1 
duced rate of wages, at such work as was to be pro- 
cured. The effect of this was to reduce the rate of | 
wages all over the district, and thus to add to the 
pressure on every class of laborers. 

For a very long period, the administration of the poor | 
laws in England was on the most liberal scale. Dur- 
ing the late war, when all expenditure was extrava- ' 
gant, it was so more particularly. The tables of the j 
w^ork-houses supplied such fare to the inmates, that it i 
became, not an object to avoid the work house, but \ 
rather a desirable place to enter. The natural conse- I 
quence was, that the springs of industry, and of inde- i 
pendent feeling, were fearfully relaxed among the 
working people. The work-houses were crowded with ^ 
inmates. • The poor rates rose to between seven and \ 
eight millions sterling, being about one fifth of the in- 
come of the land of England. ] 

In Scotland a different system prevailed, which had 
been originally adopted, and persevered in — a system ^ 
no less consistent with the habitual caution of the 
Nation, than with their means, which are so much ; 
below those of their more wealthy brethren in the south. 
The same classes of individuals unable to work, or in ; 
infancy, are there entitled to relief as in England. 
But here they stop. The able bodied, the unemployed, ; 
have no claim, but are left to the exertions of private j 



POOR LAWS OF SCOTLAND. 43 

benevolence. In occasional seasons of great public pri- 
vations, large voluntary contributions have been made 
for the relief of the unemployed classes, and sometimes 
extraordinary assessments have been laid in parti- 
cular districts, by authority of Parliament. This was 
done on occasion of the remarkable failure of the crops 
in 1799 and 1800, on the application of the inhabit- 
ants of the districts themselves. 

In the administration of relief to the regular parish 
poor, the utmost frugality has been exercised ; a suffi- 
cient supply of food and clothing is provided, and a 
good education for the young is also bestowed in 
the work-houses, with weekly or monthly pensions to 
such as live in their own houses, or with their rela- 
tions. While the North Britons have acted wisely, in 
not making pauperism a desirable state to fall into, it 
may be mentioned that, in some places, they have err- 
ed on the side of too great parsimony. 

We have heard of a humorous story, which occur- 
red about half a century ago, and which tends to 
show the different treatment of the poor in the two 
countries. A Scotch barber, who had long been 
resident in London, had found it desirable to be ad- 
mitted into one of the work-houses of that city, where 
he lived, for some years, in great ease and comfort. 
It happened, unfortunately for him, that, from some 
cause or other, it was discovered that he had not lived 
long enough in any particular parish in London to give 
him a claim, and that his legal residence was in Scot- 



44 POOR LAWS OF BRITAIN. 

land, in a parish not far from the seat of her ancient 
kings. The work-house of that place was not distin- 
guished for the goodness of its fare, but Strap was, 
nevertheless, shipped off by the first Berwick smack for 
Leith. 

On reaching his new habitation, he proceeded to 
the kitchen with a rapid pace, and having looked all 
round, he exclaimed, " Why, where's the jack ? " 
" We have no jack here," said one of the inmates. 

"How the d — then do you roast your meati" 

" We get neither roasted nor boiled meat here," was 
the unwelcome reply. The unfortunate barber, who 
had been used to better things, turned on his heel, ran 
out of the house, and was never more seen in that 
quarter of the world. 

It is but justice to the Scotch system to say, that in 
all the work-houses, butcher-meat now forms part of 
the diet. 

In 1834, a bill was passed, making material altera- 
tions in the English poor laws, and it is a measure 
highly creditable to the Whig ministry, under whose 
auspices it was carried through. The objects of the 
bill were — First, to reduce the expense of the poor's 
system ; and, second, to raise the standard of feeling 
among those who had been accustomed to receive pa- 
rochial aid. 

Formerly every parish had its own separate organ- 
ization, and a local staff of parish officers. In many 
small parishes, the expense of the staff formed a large 



NEW POOR LAWS OF ENGLAND. 45 

proportion of the whole. By the new act the parishes 
were divided into circles, or groups of considerable ex- 
tent, by which a great saving in the management took 
place. All extravagant expenditure was stopt, a suffi- 
cient supply of wholesome provision being provided, but 
all luxuries excluded. 

The next object was secured by a gradual reduction 
of the number of able-bodied men, who professed to be 
unable to find work. Under the former system, the la- 
bouring man, who was out of employment, had no 
inducement to search for it, as the parish was bound 
by law to pay him his wages ; and it frequently hap- 
pened, that the man who was maintaining his family 
by his honest labour, received lower wages than tht' 
pensioner on the parish. 

The effects of such a system were soon evident. 
Men became indifferent about satisfying their employ- 
ers, or maintaining their reputation, when they knew 
that the claims of the indolent, or profligate, or care- 
less, were entitled to the same relief as the best mem- 
bers of the community. Besides, from the desire not to 
lose their parish claim by change of residence, a larger 
population frequently grew up within these parishes 
than the inhabitants were able to employ, the working 
classes became degraded, while those who were pos- 
sessed of means, but in the face of these details, were 
oppressed much by the high poor's rates. 

An injudicious and most mistaken benevolence was 
the great cause of these evils of the poor law system : 



45 POOR LAWS OF BRITAIN. 

but how shameful is it for Mr. Lester to assert, that 
the poor are oppressed by the aristocracy of England. 

The act of 1834 has done much to remedy the evils 
of this system. By this Act, the able-bodied, who 
professed they could not get work, were offered admis- 
sion into the work-houses, erected for them within the 
various unions, and all out-door relief was refused. 
Many families, at first, took advantage of the offer of 
admission to the work -house, but the number has grad- 
ually declined ; and, by the last report of the poor law 
commissioners, all the able-bodied poor, in districts con- 
taining a population of seven millions, are now off the 
roll, and have found employment in other places, 
where labour is more in demand than in those they 
have left. 

The moment the means are ready, by the erection 
of union work-houses, the same principle will be ap- 
plied to the other half of England. The effect of this 
change has already lowered the poor's rates from 
.£7,500,000, which they amounted to in 1834, to 
^£5,1 10,000, in 1840. This large saving will be chiefly 
spent in wages, which, under the direction of the pro- 
prietors, it may fairly be assumed, will be judiciously 
spent, and will add materially to the comforts of the 
working classes. 

But the great object accomplished is the immeasur- 
able change which the operation of this beneficial act 
must have made on the characters of those who former- 
ly depended on parish relief. The reports of the com- 



POOR LAWS OF MASSACHUSETTS. 47 

missioners appointed by the act of 1834, contains a 
mass of information of the highest interest and import- 
ance to all countries. They have been published annu- 
ally, up to 1841. They exhibit, in the most striking 
manner, the care with which the British Parliament 
watches over the interests of that class of the commu- 
nity, which Mr. Lester has so untruly stated, is oppress- 
ed by the laws of the country.'^ 

We have not returns before us of the exact number 
of individuals, relieved by the English poor laws. In 
Scotland, in 1821, relief was given to one person for 
every 47 ^r of the population, being about two per cent, 
of the whole. It is curious that, in 1838, 15,069 per- 
sons were relieved in Massachusetts ; which, taking 
the population at 700,000, is a little above the propor- 
tion relieved in Scotland. This fact would teach such 
writers as our author caution, in bringing up raihng 
accusations. There is no aristocracy in that excellent 

* Great efforts have been made to excite opposition to the 
working of the New Poor Law System by those interested in the 
abuses of the old system, or by the political opponents of the 
Whigs — and unfounded and exaggerated statements have been 
circulated of the failure of the plan in certain districts. 

There may be a certain amount of truth in these statements, as 
it is easy to understand how some may have failed to do their 
duty, among the thousands of agents required to carry into effect 
so extensive a reform. But the new system is so sound in principle, 
and fraught with such benefits to the people, that its opponents 
will not venture seriously to interfere with its operation. 



48 DISTRESS IN ENGLAND, 

part af the Union. But such men hate facts and hate 
figures, for they put to flight many a loose and ilLcon- 
nected theory. 

He says, " England has laid up for herself a sure 
store of vengeance." But what would he have Eng- 
land to do ? We suppose, from a hint he gives, in 
another part of the work, he wishes an agrarian law 
passed. But even in America, the people are not ripe 
for such a measure, and we earnestly hope never will, 
although the doctrine of State repudiation is equally bad 
in principle. 

What would be thought of the man who should 
come over from Britain, land in New York, and at 
once proceed to an examination of the worst houses 
in the Five Points, or Anthony-street ; and having 
met some beggars in the street, should set up a cry 
that there was no injustice and oppression equal to 
that of the government of the United States -, that there 
was no place so wicked as America, and nothing so 
good as his own fertile plains of Cheshire, or Devon- 
shire. 

There is much said by our author about the corn 
laws, and much has been said, and is now saying, 
on that subject; but w^e reserve the consideration 
for a separate article, as their importance demands 
of them. 

Meantime we would say to the reverend author, Why 
do you confine all your sympathy to one class of the 
community 1 why not extend it to others of a higher 



FROM THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE's BONDS. 49 

class, who are suffering from the pressure of the times ? 
Do you think that those who have been more highly- 
educated, and those who have been accustomed to more 
comforts, feel the pressure of privation less w^hen it 
visits them ? 

Cast your eyes on that respectable looking indivi- 
dual, who is just closing the doors of his counting- 
house in Liverpool. See the anguish depicted on his 
countenance. He has been long a merchant, and, by 
honest industry, had realized a respectable competency. 
He was about to retire from business, and spend the 
remainder of his days, with his attached family, in 
peace and tranquility, on a small property he had 
bought in the adjoining county of Chester^ 

Some months ago he had been advised by his banker 
to purchase foreign bonds to the extent of j£40,000, 
expecting to draw the dividend and to sell off a part of 
the principal, to pay his remaining obligations, and 
thus to w^ind up his business. But alas ! the State that 
issued these Bonds, has refused to pay either interest 
or principal. It is known that his whole fortune is em- 
barked in them, his credit is broken, all his savings must 
go, and his property must be sold. He retires from 
business pennyless. 

Follow him home, and witness the distress of his 
family. If he had lost his all, by the ordinary transac- 
tions of business, the blow would have been sufficiently 
heavy, but in this way, it is doubly severe. Impru- 
dent man, you will say, why trust your whole property. 



50- DISTRESS IN ENGLAND. 

with one of these South American States, when the 
government is not yet settled, and the chiefs are little 
better than robbers ? 

Rev. Sir, you are mistaken. The bonds were issued 
by one of the States of the American Union, a^ree 
State, we were going to say, but our pen repudiated 
the unhallowed union. They are the bonds of the 
State of Mississippi, the bonds of the Sovereign People . 
of " the heirs apparent to the throne." No proud and 
haughty English aristocracy is concerned in this act — 
only the Cotton aristocracy of the high and chivalrous 
South. 

Have you no sympathy with this sufferer, and with 
thousands who are laboring under distress, from the 
same source ? These cases are on the distress side of 
England. Say whether they belong to the Glory or 
Shame side of America. We knov/ there are thou- 
sands of righteous men in America, who detest, and 
are ashamed of these base transactions. But they are 
supported in full force, by those who are styled, par ex- 
cellencey ultra republican, and ultra democratical. 
Mercy it is, that the world is not under their unhal- 
lowed dominion^ 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE FACTORY SYSTEM OF BRITAIN. 

Our author says much on this subject. And we 
begin with some of his remarks. In volume 1, 
page 161, he says, "There is not a branch of this 
immense system of manufacture in which there is not a 
painful sacrifice of health and life. The ignorance, 
vice, disease, deformity and wretchedness of the Eng- 
lish operatives as a body almost exceed belief." " I 
am persuaded the physical miseries of the English 
operative, are greater by far than the West India 
Slaves before their emancipation." Page 157, " This 
general principle may be applied to the whole system 
of British manufactures, and it is a truth no candid man 
who has investigated the subject, will question, that 
while the work is made perfect, the Avorkman is de- 
stroyed," and in the dedication of the work, the author 
says, " J would rather see the children of my love bcrn 
to the heritage of Southern slavery than to see them 
subjected to the blighting bondage of the poor English 
operative's life." — " England is a proud and wicked na- 
tion," &c. We could fill many pages with this foul and 
abusive language — but shall proceed to examine the 
proofs he gives of these assertions. 



52 LESTEE ]N MANCHESTER. 

. We begin with an adventure of our author's, on which 
he founds materially. It is contained in his letter to 
Dr. Channing, but we doubt whether that talented in- 
dividual will think himself honored by the notice. The 
Doctor may, however, accept the homage of the author, 
who is an avowed Abolitionist, although his soul has 
never felt the love of genuine liberty, for we view him 
as an apologist of Slavery, who should take rank with 
the Colonizationists, those reformers of a thousand 
years. We should however remember, that although 
the Doctor is also an avowed Abolitionist, and has writ-^) 
ten ably on the subject, he gives only his patronage 
to the anti-slavery societies, as the Unitarians give their 
patronage to Christianity. 

Be this as it may, our author informs us, page 184, 
that while in Manchester, " he happened to be wan- 
dering one evening through a dirty lane in the part \ 
of the town where the operatives are clustered." i 
Had this been. in Utica, in Babylon, or in Rome, or \ 
in any place of equal importance in the State of New | 
York, Mr. Lester would have called it a city, but it ' 
was only in the town of Manchester in England, with ' 
its 300,000 inhabitants. 

While " wandering^' in that place, he sees a boy j 
apparently about twelve or thirteen, "dragging along I 
a pale little girl, considerably younger than himseK" j 
Our author immediately descries an adventure. He \ 
takes hold of the children who had just left the Factory, ] 
and are on their way home. He is of course conduct- i 



LESTER S FEELINGS AROUSED. 53 

ed to a miserable place, and enters the " cellar" 
where they live. The mother was lying on a low bed 
of rags in one corner of the apartment. She is " sal- 
low and consumptive, her forehead large and hand- 
some." 

He apologises for intruding. She says, " God bless 
you, I hope you have come to me for good — no one 
has entered this cellar to-day, except the officer, and 
he took my last shilling for taxes." " God bless you, 
woman, I exclaimed, what can a tax gatherer have 
to do in your house — come to rob a widowed mother, 
and her hungry children of her last shilling ! ! When 
I thought of Britain in this light, a shudder went 
through my frame as though I had been bitten by a 
serpent." 

We have no doubt, that such is always his feeling, 
towards Britain. He has given us indelible proofs of 
it, but does he believe in a judgment to come, when 
he sits down to palm such monstrous statements on the 
world ? The house he describes, pays no taxes. 

The only government house tax in Britain is a win- 
dow tax, which has been reduced to half its former 
amount. This tax is only leviable on houses having 
eight windows and upwards, and the widow's house 
" had no lia;ht but from the door." Neither does such a 
hoUvSe pay any local taxes. All large cities have taxes 
for sui»porting the poor, for the expense of police, and 
for hghting and cleaning the streets. Generally, ten 
6 



:l 



54 TAXES ON HOUSES. 

pounds is the lowest* annual rent assessable, and the 
poorer portion of the inhabitants never pay one penny 
It is only upon the very ignorant that the author could 
expect to pass such an absurdity for a moment, as 
that a person in the miserable state he represents this | 
woman to be in, should be asked for taxes ; and then j 
the idea of a man taking her last shilling ! How could i 
he take it ? There is no mode here or in Britain, by j 
which money can he forced from its possessor, but by ; 
robbery, and it is not alleged seriously that she was rob- j 
led. It could not be that she paid it by constraint, for 
fear of losing her furniture, as she had none to lose, un- 
less it be the hench, offered to our author to sit on (she 
having no chairs). Bench is a word unknown in Britain, 
except a Carpenter's or Judge's bench. What are called 
benches here, are called forms in Britain, or stools. 

We have already said, that such a house pays no taxes. 
Not only is this the case, but whenever a case of the j 
least difficulty, approaching to inability, is brought for- \ 
ward, a certificate of poverty by a Magistrate or Church * 
Warden, which is easily procured, gives exemption. 
Many thousands are exempted in this way every year, 
particularly the keepers of lodging houses, which are ] 
often large, and highly rented, and when the occupants \ 
do not succeed in getting lodgers, they are relieved of ; 
all taxes. This is the practice over all Britain. ' 

The mother of this family is represented as feeding 

* A House often pounds per annum, (or fifty dollars) in Eng- 
land, is as commodious as one of two hundred dollars in New York. 



widow's tale. 55 

her children with oat-meal gruel, from an iron spoon, 
and refusing them an additional supply. One of the 
children tells the other that it is her turn " to have the 
cup to-night." This and the spoon are taken from 
Dickens, whom our author professes to admire. Oat 
meal is scarcely known in Manchester, hut it answered 
best to get in Oliver Twist's cup, and Dominie Squeers' 
spoon. 

The widow tells her history, while the children 
are gone out for food, which our generous author had 
given her the means of purchasing. She has six chil- 
dren. Her husband died a twelvemonth ago. Her 
four eldest were sent to the factory — her husband had 
been a machine maker. He wrought at his^ business, 
and she sewed, and her husband's wages supported 
them pretty comfortably. 

They did not send their children to the factory till 
they were ten or twelve years of age. " We knew 
they would grow sickly, and feeble as soon as they 
went there." Then why not bring them up to some 
other employment ? She goes on to state, page 189, 
^^ that on her husband's death she was much reduced, 
having sold all her furniture and clothes for the funer- 
al, and taxes." What taxes 1 Six hungry children 
were staring her in the face, and she was at length 
obliged to send her four eldest to be apprenticed, al- 
though it was as painful to her, as to lay them in their 
graves. Now how could these four children be starving, 
or how could they be sent to be apprenticed, when they 



56 WIDOW AT ROMANCE. 

had been employed at the mills long before her hus- 
band's death. She further says, that on her husband's 
death, she sent Tony to the mill, who only got two 
shillings per week. 

Alas ! for the blunders of those who make up tales 
of fiction. When our author met Tony in the street, 
before he had seen his mother, he informed him, that 
he had been five years at the mill. Tony had there- 
fore heeii four years at the mill, according to his own 
account, before his father's death ; but according to his 
mother's he did not go till his father died, which was 
only one year before. 

Tony besides was said by our author to be between 
twelve and thirteen, say twelve and a half years. 
He could therefore only be seven and a half years 
old when he went to the mill, although his truth speak- 
ing parent declared, she and her husband never sent 
them till they were ten or twelve years of age. It 
seems that every person who comes near Mr. Lester, 
takes the wrong direction in making statements. 

Again, the lour children older than Tony, must 
have been beyond the time for being apprenticed — the 
three oldest must have been grown up. 

Our author proceeds to introduce the sacred language 
of Scripture, in his most veracious narrative. The 
ideas of this woman, on the subject of religion, are (of 
course) extremely vague. She says, " I used to go to 
church, when I had clothes to wear, but I heard what 
I could never beheve. — When I heard the parson 
speak of a merciful God, who loves all his creatures so 



LESTER AT FAULT. 57 

well that he does not let a sparrow fall to the ground 
without his notice, I could not forget that I, for no 
crime, had to toil on in poverty and wretchedness, and 
see the bread taken from the mouths of my hungry 
children, to support the rich minister, who never comes 
near my cellar." 

Mr. Lester never seems to think it necessary, for any 
of his characters to be consistent in their statements, 
any more than himself. Surely this woman did not 
live in a cellar, when she was in good circumstances, 
had good clothes, and was able to attend the church ; 
neither could hers be hungry children, at that time. 

In no case does any person in the situation of that 
family, pay any thing towards the church of England. 
The Church is supported by tithes on the land, or by 
funds belonging to the church for ages. Seat rents are 
in some cases paid, but the liberality in this respect is 
well known. Any person desirous of having a seat, 
and unable to pay, is always provided for. There is 
no city tax for the support of the church, excepting a 
small sum for supporting the fabrics of the churches, 
generally amounting to a few shillings for each person, 
but it is only payable by those who are well able to do 
it. The amount is fixed each year by the inhabitants 
themselves. How much must our author have calcu- 
lated on the ignorance of his readers, in putting forth 
a story about this woman paying so many " hard emmed 
dollars^^ to support the church of England. 

He says, that after praying with the widow, he left her, 
and " was blessed." We make no comment on this, but 
6* 



58 MANCHESTER PORTER. 1 

leave him to the enjoyment of such blessedness as can ^ 
be derived, from the manufacture of such an amount of | 
absurdities, as we have already exhibited. 

I 

Page 178, our author meets with a street porter i 
in Manchester, who of course is in distress. He gains i 
from two shillings to a crown a day. He has nine , 
children, some of whom are at the mill. They are all 
in misery, never eat butcher meat, live on potatoes and | 
coarse bread. " Almost every thing we get for our work 
seems to go for taxes." " We are taxed for something 
almost every week in the year." i 

We have already enumerated all the taxes payable 
on houses in Britain. The idea of a family Hving j 
on potatoes and coarse bread paying direct taxes, | 
will only excite a smile on the face of any person who 
is acquainted with the truth. ' 

The porter in question cannot afford " a crowm" for 
a Bible, although he might have got one for half the , 
money, or without payment at all, if he had been so i 
disposed. Here the perpetual crown is again intro- ! 
duced by our author, w^ho generously gives him the 
means of buying a Bible. ! 

The Factory System engages a large share of our \ 
author's attention. He favors his readers with some 
extracts taken from evidence by the House of Commons, 
from which it appeared that cruelty had been committed | 
upon certain children employed in two factories. Some I 
of these extracts have been recently selected, from a large I 



FACTORY SYSTEM. 59 

mass of evidence, laid before the British Parliament in 
1833, and have gone the round of the American papers, 
as events of recent occurrence, and as proof of the modes 
in which factories are conducted in Britain ; whereas 
they show^ the very reverse. They were all that could 
be found, in the volume of evidence long ago pubhshed, 
and were exposed to the world, by the w^atchfulness of 
Parliament over the interests of the people. It might 
be as well assumed, that because Miss Rogers had 
been murdered at New York, and Mr. Suydam at 
New Jersey, that all the people of the United States 
were murderers. 

That children have been in some cases allowed to 
work longer hours than their strength warranted, is 
evident ; that they could be treated with such harsh- 
ness, as described in some of the extracts, with impunity, 
on the part of their overseers, we cannot believe. 

We strongly suspect that some part of the statements 
given by our author, was not taken be fore the House 
of Commons, as allusion is made by him to other 
sources. He may have got it in some Chartist publi- 
cation. Besides, the House of Commons has no power 
to examine on oath. That belongs to the judicial de- 
partment. Our doubt arises not from the impossibility of 
such acts of oppression and cruelty having occurred, 
although not likely, before so many witnesses, but be- 
cause we are told of no punishment having followed. 

There is no bar in England to the punishment of 
crime. The criminal cannot carry his case from court 



60 LAWS OF ENGLAND EQUAL. 

to court, till the public feeling is allayed, the crime 
forgotten, and the ends of justice defeated. Neither 
does the rank, or money, or birth of the party, make 
any difference. The law has no practice different for 
the Native, the Irishman, and the African. Lord 
Waldgrave lately finished his six months in Jail, for 
knocking down a watchman. Neither is there any 
regulation in Parliament, to prevent the humblest of 
these factory children sending up their petition, which 
would have at once been respectfully received, and re- 
mitted to the quarter where the complaint could be 
legitimately entertained. 

As far back as in 1802^ parliament had interposed by 
law, for the protection of factory children, and also, in 
1816 and 1831. When complaints were again brought 
before them, they passed a new and comprehensive bill 
in 1833, regulating the ages at which children may be 
employed, their hours of attendance, making it impe- 
rative on them to attend school, providing holydays, 
and appointing inspectors, who are to report to the 
Secretary of State, to see these wise, and humane re- 
gulations carried into effect. 

Our author has found it necessary to quote this Bill, 
and he can find no fault with it, as it seems the very 
best measure that could be devised for remedying the 
evil. But he was not so easily to part with this portion 
of the " Shame of England." He, therefore, having 
dismissed Capt. Manners, alias No. 3, introduces us to 
No. 4, in the person of a Manchester manufacturer, 
name unknown. 



FACTORY BILL. 61 

This new character, page 202, gives the whole Fac- 
tory Bill in a speech, and then makes the following 
comment upon it. " Now this you will say is a 
humane and just bill — it must remove the greatest evils, 
(not very likely his auditor would admit any such 
thing). " But this is not the case, and I can show that 
as great, if not greater evils, now exist. It is impossi- 
ble for this law to be observed ; for many families 
would starve to death, unless they worked more hours 
than it permits." He then says, that the law " has 
been of great service to the apprenticed children, but 
of little service to others ; for Parliament may make 
as many laws as they please to protect the operatives ; 
they will all be in vain, so long as these same men 
groan under the weight of the corn laws, and the vast 
burden of taxation." 

Now could any Manchester manufacturer make so 
foolish a speech ? "The bill has been of great service 
to apprenticed children," and pray what other class 
has it any thing to do with ? It takes no cognizance 
of the engagements between masters and operatives, 
and in casting the shield of its protection over the fac- 
tory children, only yielded to a humane necessity to 
violate a rule, which all men now admit to be best : 
viz. to leave trade to protect itself, as the wise merchants 
of Nantz said to Louis XIV. 

But the author, confessing the benefits this act has 
conferred on the children, and aware that it had pro- 
tected them from the selfishness of their employers, and 



62 LESTER FOETICAL. 

the ignorance or carelessness of some of their parents, 
dextrously shifts his ground, and says it does not 'pro- 
ted the operatives, i. e. the grown up workmen, when . 
it never was intended to reach them at all. The au- \ 

thor should confess at once j 

1 

" I do not like thee, Doctor Fell, i 

The reason why I cannot tell, 1 

But this I'm sure, I know full well, 
I do not like thee. Doctor Fell." 

Regulating of wages, punishments for forestalling ■ 
markets, bounties and protections, are fast taking ; 
their place among the things that were, never more to ^ 
return, unless the world shall again be overspread by 
darkness. I 

The only Act which has been passed for many j 
years, connected with the operatives of Britain, is Mr. \ 
Hume's Act, putting an end to the combination laws, \ 
thus allowing operatives to combine as much as they ; 
please, to raise their wages, provided in doing so they 
do not intimidate, or lay violent hands on those who 
might differ from them in opinion. And how often do 
we hear of these operatives leaving their employment 
in a body, standing out for an increase, or against a \ 
reduction of wages, supporting themselves for many 
weeks without labor, and in the end carrying their I 
point with their employers, or settling by compromise. ' 

And yet our author says, the workmen of England i 
are obliged to take such wages as their master allows I 



AMERICA MAKING HASTE TO GET RICH. 63 

them! that they are the most abject and degraded beings 
on the face of the earth, and that they are worse than 
American slaves. Great inconvenience arises from these 
emeutes between the masters and operatives, and some- 
times they are connected with acts of violence, which 
no man can justify. Their frequent occurrence how- 
ever affords unequivocal proof of the perfect independ- 
ence that the operatives exercise in all their dealings 
with their employers. That they have seldom occurred 
for the last few years, affords proof that the supply of 
labor is redundant.* 

We believe that the greatest cause of that change, 
has arisen from the transactions of British merchants 
and manufacturers, with the United States, in 1835 and 
1836. The people of the United States during that 
period, appear to have made up their minds that time 
was not required on their part, to accomplish the work 
of ages — rash undertakings were commenced — cities 
sprung into existence almost by magic; canals, rail 
roads, and banks without number, were commenced. 
The capital for these undertakings was not to be found 
at home, and Europe, especially Britain, was looked to 
for the means. With eager and insatiable avidity, the 
British market was flooded with State Stocks, Rail- 
Road, Canal, and Bank Stocks. 

* By one of the last arrivals from England, we are informed of a 
strike for wages among the Stone Quarriers of a considerable dis- 
trict, and that hundreds are standing out idle, receiving ten shil- 
lings sterling, per week per man, from those who are working. 



64 MELANCHOLY CONSEQCTENCES. ' 

England, depending on the good faith of a people of 

kindred origin, bought these Bonds to the extent of ^ 

many millions, perhaps Thirty Millions Sterling, or ' 

one hundred and fifty milHons of dollars. This immense | 

amount of paper money, thrown afloat by these opera- ■ 

tions, necessarily created a great demand for Foreign ' 
Manufactures. The exports from Britain to the United 

States, were in 1834, .£6,844,000. They rose in 1835, ' 

to £10,568,000, and in 1836 to the extraordinary sum j 

of £12,425,000 or above sixty-two millions of dollars. 1 

Many of the undertakings which produced this exo- 
tic growth of trade, were begun in folly and ended in 

misery. The convulsion of Spring 1837 exposed the ■ 

true state of matters. A considerable part of these i 

vast importations was never paid, from the inability of ! 

parties here, many of whom made most honorable ! 

exertions to meet their engagements. Goods were i 

sacrificed to a vast amount in New York, in Boston, in i 

Philadelphia and New^ Orleans. Misery and ruin | 

spread through the manufacturing towns in England. | 

The exportation to the United States in 1837 suddenly . 

fell to £4,695,000, being a decline in one year, of '■ 

about seven and three quarter millions sterling, or thir- : 
ty-eight millions of dollars. 

Such a sudden and severe calamity, would have ; 

thro^Yn any other country but England, back half a i 

century. Till then, her operatives were never in such I 

a state. New factories had been built, and thousands \ 

of operatives drawm to the business of supplying the I 



REPUDIATION. 65 

market of North America. All were at once thrown 
idle. 

See that immense manufactory at Preston ; you ask, 
why it is shut, and so many workmen wandering 
about unemployed. It was employed in the Ameri- 
can trade. The merchants in Liverpool who bought 
their goods, have failed, from the insolvency of their 
house in New York. The Liverpool house would 
have stood, but they had unfortunately bought ^650,000 
of United States bank stock, and that completed their 
ruin. 

Let our author carry his eyes back to London, by the 
rail-road, if he can do so without the aid of an Irish 
nobleman, and enter that neat dwelling at Pentonville, 
near the capital. Observe that pensive widow. She 
holds in her hands a letter just received from her 
banker, informing her that there is a balance against 
her on his books, and that he regrets to state, that the 
interest on her Illinois state stock, due some days ago, 
had not been paid. Her husband had left her a hmited 
sum, to support her family. It was so small, that the 
interest in the British funds, would barely support 
them. To enable her to send her children to a 
boarding-school, where they might receive a suitable 
education, she risked her all on the credit of the state 
of Ilhnois, as she expected to receive higher interest 
than in the British funds. Fatal mistake ! The Bri- 
tish nation has been in perils of all kinds. She has 
stood the onset of a world in arms, and never quailed. 

She has carried on her shoulders a debt, which would 

7 



66 CNSEQITENCES OF REPUDIATION, j 

have crushed all the world besides. But never for a ] 

moment has she dreamed of doing injustice to the pub- ^ 

lie creditor. Her faith and honor have ever been in- [ 

violate. ] 

Thousands are in the circumstances of those cases we : 

have now supposed, depending on American honor, ; 

and have lost their all. Capital which might have i 

been directed into useful and productive channels, has ; 
been in this way lost, or rendered inoperative, to an 
immense amount. Hence the distressed state of some 
classes of operatives in Britain. 

No. 4, alias the manufacturer, says, page 196, "just ] 

at this time there are 40,000 operatives in Manchester, \ 

who are out of work, and obliged to depend upon , 

charity for bread to keep them from starvation." Now \ 

here is a round assertion. Manchester and Salferd ', 

contain 300,000 inhabitants, one fifth of whom will be i 

grown up men, say 60,000. Of this number there ' 
cannot be 40,000 employed in Manchester altogether ; 
we would rather say, not above 30,000, and yet 40,000 

are in a state of starvation. After this statement, the ' 

author of the " Shame and Glory of England" and his i 

friend, are fit for any service. We will venture to i 

hazard a conjecture, that in June, 1840, there were ' 

not 5,000 working people in Manchester, unemployed, | 

and that the remainder were employed either in whole I 
or in part. 

Mr. Lester inquires very anxiously what was to be 
done. Who is to blame for this amount of misery ? 

To the first question we would reply. Let the Ameri- \ 



MANCHESTER MANUFACTURER AT FAULT. G7 

cans pay their debts to Britain, or at least acknowledge 
them, and that would do much. To the second, that 
the xA.mericans, by their speculations in 1835 and 1836, 
are chiefly to blame. 

Mr. Lester gets an answer from numher four, more 
congenial to his feelings "I am persuaded," says he, 
" that we have the most expensive, and oppressive 
government in the world ; that there is no nation 
which taxes its labouring classes so heavily; no govern- 
ment which does so much to provoke a revolution, and 
none where a revolution seems so likely to occur, or 
where it would be so violent and bloody, when once 
commenced." This must have been glad news to our 
Rev. philanthropist. " Parliament has passed laws to 
regulate the Factory system, but it is all a dead letter.^' 
It is strange how dexterously Mr. Lester contrives 
to make all his characters deviate from the right path, 
for the Manchester Manufacturer tells us in page 
204, " that the Factory Act had been of great service 
to the apprenticed children," and now says it is "^^ all a 
dead letter." 

Our author brings another important auxiliary against 
the Factory system, in the person of a Scotch overseer, 
now resident in this country, (alias number ^t'e) who 
assures us, in page 209, " that the operatives are 
kicked and beat, instead of being reproved, that the 
children never have a chair, or stool to sit on, when 



68 SCOTCH OVERSEER. 

they have a short rest from their work, that he has 
often seen little girls and women kicked unmercifully 
for the slightest mistake." 

This fellow, if there be such a person, publishes his 
own shame, in standing by and witnessing such con- 
duct. His statements must be groundless. No set of 
men would have looked on the commission of such 
enormities, without interference. In factories, as every 
where else, disputes may arise, and ill usage be given, 
but in such cases punishment prompt and decisive will 
necessarily follow, as already stated. 

But hear the length, to which this witness goes, by 
which his testimony is destroyed. He informs us in 
page ^09, that in the worsted mills, the rooms are 
heated to 120 of Fahrenheit, and that they are not ven- 
tilated, that he could not stay in them, although " a 
pretty strong man," more than two or three minutes at a 
time. Can any man beheve that either masters or 
operatives would or could live in such places of tor- 
ment ? He adds, " no person can live long in these 
factories, the children all die of consumption in a short 
time." This is a natural and appropriate wind up to 
such statements. 

Leeds and Huddersfield, Bradford and the vicinity, 
are the chief seats of the woollen manufacture in York- 
shire, and no cities have grown more rapidly, although 
all the factory children die " of consumption." The 
Scotch overseer is quite an acquisition to our author. 
The Irish nobleman, the pale-faced girl, Capt. Man- 



EVIDENCE IN NEW YORK. 69 

ners, and the manufacturer, all contribute their quotas, 
very fairly to the shame of England ; but this man 
slays off whole generations. 

One murder makes a villain — 
Millions make a hero. 

We have lately inquired of several gentlemen in 
this country, respecting the treatment of factory opera- 
tives in Great Britain. They all had full opportunity 
of knowing the facts, and no interest in concealing 
them. One of these gentlemen had extensive spin- 
ning works in Scotland, and he said, " soon after the 
new factory bill was put in operation, Mr. Stuart 
of Duncarn, author of the work entitled, " Three 
Years' Residence in Ameri<"a," called on us, and 
he said, " I am one of the Commissioners appointed 
by Government under the authority of the Factory Bill, 
to inquire into the treatment of the children employed, 
and in order that the inquiry may be freely made, I 
request that you and your overseers will leave the mill 
till it be done." On their withdrawing, Mr. Stuart 
went to each person, and made most particular inquiry 
on all the points embraced in the Bill ; and he is well 
known to be a person who would faithfully and fear- 
lessly perform his duty. After the examination was 
completed, Mr. Stuart announced to the proprietors 
that he was quite satisfied, and that no complaint had 
been made. The gentleman alluded to treated the 
allegations we have mentioned, as pure fabrications. 
7* 



70 EVIDENCE IN NEW YORK. 

We called on a gentleman who deals in wool, and 
found a number of people engaged in preparing it 
for being spun. We asked a woman, who had been 
long in a woollen mill in Newton in Wales, where 
flannels are extensively manufactured, whether she had 
ever seen or heard of any person employed in these 
mills, being strapped, or kicked by the overseers. 
She seemed surprised, and said — " Oh no. Sir, no such | 
thing," and after a pause added, " have we not magis- 
trates there, who would punish any such thing ? the j 
only complaint we ever had, v*^as that the wages ' 
were too low, but the manufacturers could not help \ 
it, as they were unable from the low prices of flannel , 
to give more." The gentleman at the head of this es- 
tablishment further informed us, that the hours of labor 
at Lowell, were longer than in any factory he knew" , 
in England, and that he had lately noticed this, to one 
of the overseers at that place, who remarked that he 
could not help it, for if he did not keep up these hours, \ 

others would. ' 

j 

It might be unnecessary to pursue this matter further, i 
but we cannot omit alluding to the anxious inquiries J 
directed to be made as to the state of health in the 
manufacturing districts, as reported on by the Commis- j 
sioners of the "most oppressive government on earth." 
Very full information on this matter is contained in Mr. 
McCulloch's statistical work, under the head, " Vital ; 
Statistics." We only notice a small part of the in- i 
teresting details. 



VITAL STATISTICS. 71 

It appears that the average annual attacks of sick- 
ness of males, employed in the factories of Lanca- 
shire, from 11 to 31 years of age, was 27.08 on 
every hundred persons, and the average duration of 
each attack, 16 ,43 days. The average annual at- 
tacks of sickness among the laborers of the East 
India Company, was, in a period of ten years, 24 .06 
per hundred, and the average duration of each attack, 
24 .05 days. This is a favorable result for the 
Factory system, as it is here compared with a class of 
labourers, w^ho receive very ample wages, and an allow- 
ance during sickness. The average sickness of the 
Company's whole laborers, was 6 .02 days per an- 
num, and in Lancashire 4 .56 days per annum. It is 
however to be observed, that the Lancashire returns do 
not contain the sickness of those who died within the 
year, or fell under chronic diseases, and with these ad- 
ditions, the average sickness will probably reach that 
of the East India Company's labourers. 

A return is also given of the average attacks of 
sickness of a number of artisans, and apprentices 
at Wurtzburgh in Germany, which is stated to be 
22 .80 per annum, in a hundred. The duration of each 
attack was not, unfortunately, given, which prevents the 
comparison being completely carried through. All 
the individuals in this return belonged to a Friendly 
society, and it may be presumed they are above the 
general average, in steadiness of character. Yet the 
number of attacks of sickness comes nearly up to the 
Lancashire average. 



72 VITAL STATISTICS, 

It further appears, that in all the counties of Eng- 
land and Wales, the average deaths among every 
hundred inhabitants amount to 2 .21 annually. The 
average in Lancashire is 2 .40 per annum — being 
about 8 .12 per cent beyond the general average. 
When it is considered that in Lancashire are contained, 
Manchester, Liverpool, Preston, Bolton, Stockport, 
and other large and overgrown manufacturing and 
commercial cities, this difference does not appear large. 
This excess of deaths is fearfully exceeded by the re- 
turns of the metropolis; from which it appears that 
2 .81 of every hundred males in Surrey die annually, 
and in Middlesex, 3 .03. 

We looked anxiously to the quarter where Mr. Les- 
ter assures us almost the w^hole children of a certain 
class die of consumption in a short time. The West 
Riding of Yorkshire contains the chief part of the 
'' worsted mills," so fatal to life, and yet it appears 
that the average annual deaths per hundred of males, 
in that district, is 2 .09, and of females, 1 .98, being 
about eight per cent, below the average mortality of 
the whole kingdom — which must for ever silence the 
Scotch overseer on that matter. We shall now give 
some 

GENERAL STATISTICS CONNECTED WITH THE 
WORKING CLASSES. 

It is a favorite theme w^ith many, to comment on the 
unfavorable condition of the working classes, as com- 
pared with what it was in the olden time. Much light 



GENERAL STATISTICS. 73 

is thrown on this subject in the work we have already 
quoted, viz. McCulloch's Statistics. He says, page 
584, " The real influence and practical operation of 
improvements in the arts and sciences, is to be meas- 
ured by their influence over the condition of the great 
bulk of the people, and, tried by this test, it will be 
found, that in Great Britain, as in most other countries, 
they have been singularly advantageous." 

He points out the vast amount of crimes of violence, in 
former ages, noticing particularly the reign of Henry 
VIII., where crime had reached to such a height that 
the country people had to watch over their sheepfolds, 
pastures, woods and cornfields, on account of the mul- 
titude of wicked, wandering, and idle people — that the^ 
magistrates were awed by associations, and the threats 
of confederates, from executing justice on the offenders. 

Harrison's account of England, in the reign of 
EHzabeth, describes the gentry as supplying themselves 
with wheaten bread, while their household, and poor 
neighbors, are forced to content themselves with rye, 
barley, and in some shires, pulse and oats, and even 
acorns in part. As late as in 1760, it appears from 
Mr. Charles Smith's Book on the Corn Trade, that at 
that time, of the six millions of population in England, 
eight hundred and eighty-eight thousand lived on rye. 
Mr. McCulloch estimates " that not twenty thousand 
now taste rye." 

" The rye eaters have almost universally been 
changed into wheat eaters, and except in the county of 



74 CONSUMPTION OF WHEAT. 

Durham, where a mixture of wheat and rye, called 
raasHn, is grown, the culture of rye is almost un- 
known — nearly the same may be said of the consump- 
tion of barley. In the northern counties of England, | 
in the middle of last century, and for long after, very 
little wheat was used." " In Cumberland, the principal I 
families used only a small quantity about Christmas, j 
The crust of the Goose pie, with which every family is ■ 
then supplied, was at the period referred to, almost uni- , 
formly made of barley meal. But no such thing is | 
now heard of, even in the poorest houses. Almost all 
individuals eat wheaten bread, at all times of the year. ; 
It is in fact the only bread now tasted by those who i 
live in towns and villages, and mostly also, by those i 
who live in the country." 

" Wheat is now the almost universal bread corn of ! 
England ; and in some of the manufacturing towns, i 
within the last few years, the use of the inferior sorts 
of wheaten bread, has been a good deal restricted, and ; 
is rejected indeed, by all, but the very lowest and poor- | 

est classes." i 

I 

I 
Mr. McCulloch then shows the great income, in tlie i 

consumption of butcher meat, beginning with the me- \ 

tropolis. The population of London for the ten years j 

ending 1750 was about 670,000. The annual amount ' 

of cattle sold at Smithfield market, during the same | 

period, was 74,000 head, and of sheep 570,000. In I 

1831, the population had increased to 1,472,000 — and i 



CONSUMPTION OF BTfTCHER MEAT. 75 

the consumption of cattle amounted to 156,000, and of 
sheep to 1,238,000. 

In round numbers, the quantity of cattle and sheep 
consumed seems to have kept pace with the increase 
of population. But the great increase in the weight 
of cattle and sheep between the two periods, presents 
a most satisfactory result, as to the vast addition made 
to the comfort of the people. 

In 1750, the weight of cattle only averaged 3701bs. 
per head, and of sheep 281bs., while in 1831 the 
cattle weighed 8001bs., and the sheep 801bs., each. 
From this comparative view, it appears that the con- 
sumption of each individual was in the first period 2 7-8 
ounces per day, while in the second it amounts to 6 2-3 
ounces, being an increase of more than double. This 
consumption is exclusive of lamb, veal, pork and fowls 
which are used to a large extent, and we have no doubt 
the consumption of them has increased, in proportion 
to the other articles. We have no later data to give, 
but we doubt not that there has been no diminution in 
these proportions since 1831. We hope this amount of 
butcher's meat for nearly two of the " starving mil- 
lions," will satisfy Mr. Lester. Mr. McCulloch states 
that there " is reason to believe that in most other parts 
of the country, the increase in the consumption of butch- 
er's meat has been even greater." 

" In thinly peopled agricultural districts very little is 
consumed, but in manufacturing and commercial towns 
it is quite the reverse." 

" The improvements that have been made, during the 



76 



BETTER CLOTHING. 



last half century, in the clothing and lodging of the 
people of Great Britain," it is added," are even more 1 
remarkable than those that have been made in their | 
food." 

In treating of the cotton manufactures, Mr. Baines, j 
of Leeds, says, " It is impossible to estimate the advan- 1 
I ages, to the people, from the wonderful cheapness of j 
cotton goods. The humblest classes have now the i 
means of as great neatness, and even gaiety of dress, as : 
the middle and upper classes of the last age. A coun- ; 
try wake in the nineteenth century, may display as 
much finery as a drawing room of the eighteenth, and \ 
the peasant's cottage may at this day, with good man- 
agement, have as handsome furniture for their beds, 
windows and tables, as the house of a substantial trades- ■ 
man sixty years ago." 

There can be no doubt that the houses of the labor- ; 
ing classes are also improved, and that epidemical 
disease has been in a great measure banished from j 
large towns in consequence. But much yet remains ! 
to be done in this respect. The necessity of cleanliness ' 
and ventilation has not been sufficiently felt by the j 
working classes — although there has been some im- ' 
provement, there are yet, in all crowded cities, both 
here and in Britain, many who seem insensible to these I 
essential, comforts, and a greater benefit could not be. 
bestowed on society, than to effect an entire cure of 
these evils. i 



CHAPTER V. 

BRITISH CORN LAWS. 

These laws have afforded fertile subject for decla- 
mation to our author, and many others, both in Britain 
and America. We shall first quote some of our au- 
thor's remarks upon them. In volume 1, page 172, 
he says — " A vast amount of the sufferings and ignor- 
ance of the working classes are to be directly attributed 
to the tyrannical corn laws, laws made to enrich the 
land holders at the expense of the poor. For it is im- 
possible for the poor man in England to pay from his 
small income, the enormous bread tax, and have enough 
left to clothe his family, and provide them other neces- 
saries of life." Page 199, the Manufacturer, alias 
number fo2ir, says, " the iniquitous corn laws take one 
third of all the wages of the operatives from them, and 
put it in the pockets of the land holders. The com- 
monest necessaries of life, in consequence of the bread 
tax, cost as much again in England, as they do, on the 
Continent, or in the United States." 

And again, in p. 205 — in speaking of the Factory laws 

he says, " They Avill all be in vain, so long as these 

same men groan under the weight of the corn laws, 

and the vast burden of taxation ;" and again, in p. 198, 

8 



78 LESTER ABUSIVE. 

" I can convince any candid man, that the operatives 

receive from us enouo;h to make them comfortable, and 

> . I 

elevate them a thousand fold above their present con- ; 

dition, if they were not robbed of the greatest part of 

their wages, to support the aristocracy." The Scotch ' 

overseer, number five, says, " Some of the English op- ; 

eratives receive nearly as high wages for their work ; 
as we pay ; but they work harder for their money, and 

it will not go more than half as far, (not that I think) i 

in procuring the necessaries of hfe. Animal food they ' 

seldom get. Potatoes and coarse bread being their en- : 

tire food." In vol. 2, p. 232, our author says, " Ame- \ 
rica is also deeply interested in this (the corn) ques- 
tion ; for no man can estimate the advantages we 

should gain by a repeal of the Corn Laws," and in { 
page 238, " What is the effect of the Corn Laws, upon 

the laboring classes ? starvation." 1 

In p. 237, " This nicely contrived device operates with : 

the greatest severity on the poor man ; for through his | 

teeth, he is made to pay, or more properly to be pun- I 

ished, for the offence of being born in England. Per- ; 

sons born since the enactment of the Corn Laws must ' 

regard themselves as paying this penalty for having . 

had the audacity to draw their first breath on that op- ] 

pressed island." P. 260, " The bread tax bids fair to ■ 

work a revolution in England." P. 257, " The Corn , 
Laws are destructive to female virtue. There is no 

nation, savage or civilized, that so wantonly tampers ; 
with the prosperity and happiness of its people," 



LESTER TURNED CALCULATOR. 79 

Our Rev. author thus gives vent to his wholesale 
vituperations against Britain. Had he stopped there, 
all might have passed, but unfortunately he gives rea- 
sons for his assertions, and we now proceed to try him 
by his figures. 

In page 238, volume 2d, he says, " What do the 
Corn Laws cost the English people 1 " When we came 
to this passage, we were delighted, having a prospect 
of bringing the question to an issue. To his own ques- 
tion, he gives the following answer. " It is estimated 
that the consumption of all kinds (of grain) in the king- 
dom is sixty millions quarters per annum. Twelve 
years ago, Mr. McCulloch supposed the amount to be 
only a little less than this, and since then, there has 
been a great increase of population. The consumption 
of all other kinds of agricultural produce is, without 
doubt, equal to the total consumption of grain. Sup- 
posing the effect of the Corn Laws to be, to raise the 
price of grain ten shillings a quarter higher than it 
would be, were foreign grain freely imported ; it fol- 
lows, that the burden of the bread tax is equal to the 
enormous sum of three hundred millions of dollars a 
year — a sum exceeding the whole expenditure of the 
government, including the interest of the national 
debt." " But it can be shown to the satisfaction of 
every reasonable man, that the Corn Laws nearly 
double the price of grain, Mr. G. M. Porter, of the 
Board of Trade, in his valuable work on this subject, 
states that the average price of wheat in Prussia, for 



80 CORN AVERAGES. 

the last twenty two years, has been only 31s. 2cl. per 
quarter, while the price during the same period has 
been 61s. in London." 

Oh ! that my enemy would write a book ! ! Let us 
try this pretender by his own authorities, and by their 
decision we shall abide. Mr. McCulloch, in the second 
edition of his valuable Commercial Dictionary published 
in 1836, which is not quite twelve years ago, estimated 
the consumption of grain in Britain at fifty-two millions 
of quarters. Our author says this is near sixty milhons, 
w^hich is but a slight mistake for him. Mr. McCulloch 
gives very ample information, as to the prices at which 
grain can be imported into Britain, from the principal 
shipping ports of Europe and America. We confine 
ourselves to wheat, as that is the chief article of 
importation. 

Dantzic is the most important port in Europe, for 
shipping grain, as it sends off the surplus growth of Po- 
land. The average price of wheat, free on board, at 
that port, taken at Decennial periods, from 1770 to 1819, 
was 45s. 4d. per imperial quarter. This high average 
was doubtless owing to the long period of war, included 
within the range. The average of 1822 to 1831 in- 
clusive, fell to 34s. Id. per quarter. The cost of importa- 
tion, w^are-housing, &c. is estimated at 10s. making 
the price in London, independent of profit or British 
duty 44s. But Mr. M. thinks that under any consider- 
able foreign demand, the price at Dantzic would rise to 
40s., making the price 50s. at London. 



CORN AVERAGES. 81 

Mr. Jacob's returns to the British government shew, 
that at the lowest possible rate, wheat could not be 
sent from Warsaw, at less than 28s., nor brought to 
London under 48s. per quarter. 

The average price of wheat at Hamburgh for ten 
years, previous to 1831, was 26s. 6d., but the quality 
is 7s. inferior to Dantzic, and allowing for that differ- 
ence, the prices of both will be about the same. 

The port of Odessa ships a considerable quantity of 
wheat, the growth of the shoies of the Black Sea. The 
price is much lower there than any w^here else, as it 
can often be put on board at 16s. per quarter. But the 
quality is very poor, being worth 10s, per quarter less 
than Dantzic or the best English wheat. The expense of 
freight and charges is from 16s. to 19s. per quarter, 
and bringing it to the Dantzic standard, it would cost 
44 or 45s. 

Mr. McCulloch estimates the average price of wheat 
at New York, and Philadelphia, at 37 to 40s. — and if 
the freight and charges amount to 10 or 12s. he does 
not suppose that any considerable quantity could be 
expected from that quarter, unless wheat was from 50 
to 52s. in England. It further appears, that the aver- 
age price of wheat at Paris, as reported by Gamier, 
from 1801 to 1819, was 45s. 6d. per quarter. Count 
Chaptal, in a work entitled, " L'Industrie de France," 
published in 1819, estimates the average price through 
France, at 18 francs the hectolitre, or 42s. lOd. per 
quarter. 

*8 



S2 CORN AVERAGES, ] 

i 

Mr. McCulloch, after going over the ground of for- i 
eign importations, very fully, arrives at the conclusion j 
that wheat of the Dantzic standard cannot be imported ; 
imder 47 or 48s., and that with a duty of 6 or 7s. it '{ 
could not of course be sold under 53 or 54s. This view \ 
is entirely drawn from the the loio averages already no- 
ticed, without making any allowance for the advance, 
which will unquestionably take place if the British ports j 
were opened to a free trade in corn. It is only necessa- ; 
ry to notice the great influence upon the price, in years 
when wheat was admitted into Britain, on a low duty, i 
The price at Dantzic in 1822 was 30s. 3d ; in 1823 27s. \ 
9d.; in 1824 23s. 8d. ; in 1825 24s. 2d.; in 1826 ' 
25s. Id. ; in 1827 26s. lid. ; in 1828 37s. Id. ; in 1829 . 
47s. Id; in 1830 42s. 2d.; in 1831 50s. 2d. In the ' 
tirst six years, it will be observed that the price is very ^ 
low. In these years the crops were generally good in : 
Britain, and the importations small. In one year ! 
( 1822) none was imported. In the four last years, the 
crops were deficient, and the importations large, parti- ] 
cularly in 1830 and 1831. In this last year, nearly j 
three millions and a half of quarters of different kinds 
of grain were imported by Britain being the largest 
that ever took place. In a new edition of Mr. Mc- \ 
Culloch's work, it appears that the average price of | 
wheat in Britain from 1833 to 1838, was 51s. 3d. per | 
quarter. The average price in France from 1819 to 
1836 was 40s. Id. per quarter. Mr. M. says that for ! 
six years from 1832 to 1837, the average price in I 



CORN AVERAGES. 83 

Great Britain, was 50s. 2d., " and we are bold to say, 
that not a tittle of evidence has been, or can be pro- 
duced to show, that this price would have been re- 
duced 5s. a quarter, had the ports been all the while 
opened to unconditional importations, from abroad."* 
In our opinion nothing can be more conclusive. 
It has been shown that Dantzic wheat cannot be im- 
ported under 44s., and American not under 50s. — 
or an average of 47s. per quarter. Now the British av- 
erage for six years ending in 1838, was 51s. 3d., being 
only 4s. 3d. beyond what it could have been furnished 
from abroad, without taking any advance in the foreign 
market into account. It is quite evident that under a 
free corn trade, the difference between the price at any 
foreign port, and the price at Britain, could never be 
greater than the expense of freight, and to her charges 
from the one country to the other. The moment a 
greater difference should arise, exportation would take 
place, and when a less difference existed, it would stop. 
Our Rev. author says that a loss of one hundred and 
fifty millions of dollars will accrue, if even 10s. per 

* We have only brought our Corn averages down to 1838, which 
is the latest period given by Mr. xMcCulloch. The aver- 
age price of wheat was much higher in 1839 and 1840, from the 
unusually short crops. These therefore cannot be fairly taken, 
except in a much wider range of time. The prices were indeed 
so high during those years, that the import duty must have been 
frequently almost nominal, and yet the foreign importation was 
not able materially to keep down the price. The deficient crops 
in the United States in 1838 and 1839, which required her to be 
aided by importation, will in part account for this state of tilings. 



b^ LOSS BY CORN LAWS. 

quarter more than the proper price is paid, calcu- 
lating sixty millions of quarters to be consumed. 
Now we have already shown that only a difference of 
4s. 3d. has accrued on recent averages. But taking 
it at Mr. McCulloch's mark of 5s. and considering 
that wheat does not form one quarter of the grain 
consumed, we may estimate the whole at an aver- 
age of 3s. per quarter. 

But then, although Mr. Lester has quoted Mr. 
McCulloch as his authority, he throws him over- 
board, when it suits his purpose, for he does not notice 
that that laborious and able author calculates, that one 
half of the grain raised in Britam never reaches the 
market, but is consumed by the agriculturists for their 
families, for cattle, seed, &c. This only makes an 
abatement of one half, therefore is not worthy the atten- 
tion of a generalizer of Mr. Lester's dimensions. 

In our view, the loss from 1832 to 1838, will be as 
follows : Thirty millions of quarters at 3s. — Four and 
a half millions sterling, or twenty-two and a half 
millions of dollars per annum, instead of one hundred 
and fifty millions of dollars, as the round numbers of our 
author make it. 

But this is only Mr. Lester's loio calculations, as he 
makes a statement, that in Prussia, wheat has been selling 
at 31s. 2d. average, for along period, while it has been 
61s. in Britain, and that therefore, the corn laws have 
doubled the price. Now did the Rev. calculator ex- 
pect that the corn could be conveyed from the interior 
of Prussia, to Britain, without expense ? How could it 



LESTER AT CALCULATIONS. S5 

be done for less than 15 to 17s. per quarter 1 Did the 
author never hear of the produce of Ohio being sold at 
Cincinnati for 60 cents, which would fetch in New- 
York one dollar j or of potatoes being sold in the 
interior of the state of New York for less than one half 
of what they would bring at New York ? It is really a 
pity for figures to come in, and disturb so well built a 
system, after our author had labored so hard with infe* 
rior matter, and had arrived at the most satisfactory 
conclusions that the price was doubled. It was so 
even a number, so very round, that it is a shame to de- 
stroy it. 

But hear another calculation equally sweeping. The 
enhanced price of sixty millions of Corn, he says, is 
only half of the bread tax. Now this is puzzling, as 
sixty milhons is the grain of all kinds which can be 
made into bread. Agriculture produces cattle, sheep, 
wool, cheese, butter, &c. But if Mr. Lester meant 
this, he would have called it a beef, a mutton, or abut- 
ter tax, and not a bread tax. Where our author got 
this calculation we know not. It was not from Mr. 
McCulloch. He does not say it was from the Irish 
Nobleman, the Rose Girl, or the Manchester Manufac- 
turer. We therefore conclude he has drawn on his 
own genius for it. All those other articles of agricul- 
tural consumption are admitted into Britain on very 
moderate duties, some of those below those levied by 
the United States, as we shall afterwards show. The 
highest duty proposed to be charged on, wheat, by the 



86 LESTER EQUAL TO NECKAR. 

advocates of a fixed duty is 6 to 8s. per quarter, being 
about the same rate as in the United States, where the 
duty on wheat is 25 cents per bushel. Irish provisions 
are raised so cheap that no great quantity could be 
sent into Britain, from any other quarter, although the 
duty was taken off. 

Let us now see, what Mr. Lester's view of the 
bread tax in his most comprehe^isive meaning, would 
amount to. 

Say 60 millions quarters of grain, at 30s. being the 
half price of wheat, would be 90 millions sterling, as 
he supposes the whole sixty millions to be wheat, but 
to reduce it all to the average of the different kinds of 
grain, 

Suppose 60 millions at 18s. per quarter, ^54,000,000 
An equal amount on beef and other agri- 
cultural produce, 54,000,000 

^108,000,000 
or Five Hundred and Forty Millions of Dollars. 

Prodigious! If Mr. Lester could only be made 
Chancellor of the Exchequer for a few years, he 
might with such savings, pay off the National Debt. 
His name will descend to posterity w^ith a brilliancy 
for an able financier and exact calculator, which 
even Neckar himself might envy, if he were alive. 

Seriously, we would rejoice to see Britain make the 
trade of corn free at all times, without duty, and we 
are satisfied that the Whig ministry would have done 



REPEAL OF CORN LAWS. 87 

SO if they could, except from the necessity of making 
up a deficient revenue. We think the bulky nature of 
the article a sufficient protection from the expense of 
transport, which must inevitably be incurred. This 
would prevent the fluctuations in a great measure 
occasioned by bad crops. The farmer would know 
more certainly what rent he ought to pay, and the 
landlord would be more certain of receiving the 
amount. 

That those who contend so loudly for the repeal of 
the corn laws greatly over-estimate the effects which 
would follow from them, is no reason why they should 
not be repealed. The measure would tranquilize the 
public mind, and that is a matter of no small import- 
ance. It is exceedingly probable, that such a change 
would open up a large trade in grain, with the United 
States. This could not have been to any extent, till 
within the last two years, although there had been no 
corn laws in Britain. Therefore the noise and clamor 
that has pervaded the States, and run through many of 
the newspapers about " wicked, cruel, and unjust Brit- 
ish corn laws," are alike insolent and absurd. 

So recently as in 1837, the United States imported 
above three million bushels of wheat, and even in 
1838 the country was so short of the staff of life, as 
to import 894,000 bushels. Since then, there can be 
no doubt that a much larger breadth of land has been 
brought under cultivation, which is a natural conse- 
quence of the high prices of 1837 and 1838. It is 



^^ REPEAL OF CORN LAW5<. 

probable that the country will ever after be able to ex- 
port grain to a considerable extent, and carry on a 
most beneficial traffic with that country, which is 
doomed to revolution, and destruction, under the judi- 
cial sentence of the amiable and benevolent author of 
the " Glory and the Shame of England." 



CHAPTER VI. 

TAXATION ON THE WORKING CLASSES IN ENGLAND 
AND THE UNITED STATES. 

We shall now attempt to estimate the taxation on 
the laboring man in England. 

We have shown that the difference between the 
price of wheat in England and in France, is only 20 
per cent, in favor of the latter, (although we had been 
assured that every thing was half price on the conti- 
nent) and from 20 to 25 per cent, in favor of Ameri- 
ca. So that all the fearful pressure of these corn laws 
is reduced to a very small amount. We have arrived 
at the conclusion that the corn laws may have raised 
the price of wheat 5s. a quarter, which is one-tenth of 
the whole price at 50s. in an average of ordinary 
crops. 

Now, suppose a man, with a family of a wife and 
two young children, to consume four loaves of bread 
per week, at 9d. each — the annual amount is .£7 16. 
On which 10 per cent is. £0 15 7 

Add tax on 12 lbs. tea, at Is. 6d. 18 

" "52 lbs. sugar, at 24s. per cwt. 111 
Taxes on malt, soap, and sundry articles. 10 

;e2 14 8 

being 13s. 8d. for each individual. 

9 



90 TAXES IN BRITAIN, 

In order to test the accuracy of these calculations, 
we have gone carefully over the various items of the 
annual taxes paid in Britain, and find in the year 1838> 
the whole amount was £51,720,762. Of these, the 
gross amount applicable to the laboring man and his 
family, is ^620,830,741. The remainder are either 
taxes on articles, used only by the other classes of the 
community, or such articles as are generally considered 
pernicious. In this last class is included tobacco and 
spirits. 

The various articles comprehended in the sum of 
jG20,830,741 are, tea, coffee, sugar, malt, hops, soap, 
paper, glass, timber, cotton, &c. By the return of 
184 1, the population of Britain and Ireland was 27 
millions. Supposing it to have been 26 millions in 
1838, this would give 16s. 4d. for each individual's 
proportion of this sum. But there are taxes in this 
list, such as glass, timber, &c. to which the working 
man does not contribute to great extent, and even on 
tea and sugar, higher duties are paid by the other 
classes, as they consume the more expensive kinds of 
these articles. It is evident that the working man's 
proportion will not amount to the average of 16s. and 
that 8s. is probably nearer the mark. But supposing 
two-thirds of the average to be his proportion, it will 
amount to 10s. 8d. for each individual, or £2. 2. 8. for 
a family of four. To this must be added 15s. 7d. being 
the estimate of additional cost on bread, from the 
effect of the corn laws, and the whole will be as 
follows : 



TAXES OF A FAMILY. 91 

Family of husband, wife and two children, 

at 10s. 8d. each, - - - - -£2 2 8 
Corn tax, 15 7 

*£2 18 3 
Former estimate, - - 2 14 8 



Excess, - - - ^0. 3. 7 

This, it will be observed, exceeds the former esti* 

mate by 3s. 7d. and we are convinced that it will bear 

the strictest scrutiny, and that it is beyond the mark, 

rather than within it. 

We must inquire what proportion the sum of 
£2. 18. 3, bears to the income of a laborer in England. 
We shall first take for a standard, the class employed 
in the cotton manufacture, as it is very large in amount, 
is the worst paid class in the community, and has been 
most frequently referred to by our author, in giving 
his exhibitions of the poverty of the people, and of 
the vast amount of taxation they have to pay. 

We again refer to Mr. McCulloch, who estimates 
the number of people employed in the cotton manu- 
facture as weavers, spinners, bleachers, &c. at 800,000. 
and that their average wages are ^22 10 per annum, 
but as a large proportion of the number are children 
and women, the wages of a grown man must consider- 
ably exceed the average. We may safely deduct 
250,000 for women and children, and taking their 

• This is 14s, Sfd. or $3 .64 for each individual. 



92 WAGES IN ENGLAND. 

average wages at ^12 per annum, it will leave ^ 

£21. 5. 5. to each of the remaining 550,000. Mr. j 
McCulloch estimates that besides the 800,000, there 

are 100,000 employed in the same business as engi- ' 

neers, machine makers, smiths, masons, joiners, &c. at i 

^30 per annum, which is certainly much below the \ 

average of wages earned by such tradesmen, in other j 

departments. The workmen of Birmingham, Sheffield? I 

&c. even in times of great depression, have wages far I 

beyond these rates, and the great mass of carpenters, j 

masons, smiths, &c. have more than double that j 

amount. If these were to be thrown into the scale j 

with the manufacturers, the average rates would be { 

raised at least fifty to sixty per cent. j 

In the same work, is a scale of wages paid at •; 

Greenwich Hospital for a hundred years back. By i 

this, it appears, that for the years from 1819 to 1835, ' 
the average wages of brick-layers was 4s. 10|d. per 

day ; carpenters 5s. 4d. ; masons 5s. 3d. ; and plumb- j 

ers 5s. 6|d. which in New York currency is from 9s. 9d. I 

to lis. Id. That this average has not declined of late j 
years, appears from the fact that for the last five years 

of the period, viz. from 1831 to 1835, the wages ; 
of the descriptions of tradesmen above mentioned, 

were respectively 5s. 5d. — 4s. 9d. — 5s. 3d. and 5s. 3d. \ 

and there is no reason to believe, that any material i 
alteration has taken place since. It also appears, that 
in the period from 1819 to 1835, the Hospital has been 
supphed with bread (of course of the best quality) at 



93 

Ig penny per pound, being less than 3^ cents, which 
is lower than the price in New York at the pre- 
sent moment. In an estimate of the working man's 
loaf of 41bs. we have taken it at 9d. while the loaf 
at Greenwich is only 7d. We were aware that 9d. 
was rather above the mark, as 7d. is considerably below 
it, that noble Institution being supplied by contract, 
probably from 15 to 20 per cent, below the ordinary 
retail prices. 

We have already ascertained the taxes on the work- 
ing classes to amount to 14s. 6|d. for each individual. 
Applying this principle to the large class of cotton 
weavers, spinners, &c. whose income is ;£27. 5. 6. per 
annum, it will be found, that it will amount to lOi 
per cent, on a family of four. Apply the rule to a 
family of the same size, whose head is a tradesman 
of one of the kinds employed at Greenwich Hospital, 
which may be assumed as the general rates in London 
and its vicinity, and it will not amount to 4 per cent, of 
the annual income. We may fairly state, without 
fear of challenge, that the taxes paid by a working 
man in England, do not exceed 4 to 11 per cent, on 
his income. 

In making up these statements, as already noticed, 
we have thrown out of consideration two taxes, to 
which many of the working classes contribute too 
largely, viz. tobacco and spirits. In defending the 
charge of heavy duties, laid by the Government on 
the necessaries and comforts of the working class, we 
*9 



94- : BRITISH REDUCTION OF TAXATION. 

did not conceive it necessary to include articles which 
are neither necessaries nor comforts, and which are 
now very generally considered pernicious. Now, if we 
have approached the truth in these calculations, which 
we are fully satisfied we have, what must become of 
all our author's allegations about the bread tax taking 
one-third of the working man's income, and of the 
Manchester porter who paid almost his w^hole income 
for taxes, and numberless other allegations ? All 
calumny — got up to make his book sell with ignorant 
and narrow-minded people, who can see nothing good 
beyond the sphere of their own contracted experience 
or observation. 

Tt is deeply to be regretted that the necessities of the 
country should even require so considerable a part of 
any working man's income as ten per cent. It was a 
favorite object of the Whig ministry, to make every 
possible reduction on taxes affecting the working 
classes. The leather tax, the salt tax, the beer tax, 
half the soap tax, and many others, have been abolish- 
ed within the last few years. Were it possible, with- 
out injustice to the national creditor, " the most oppres- 
sive Government on earth" would have gladly taken off 
every tax that touched the poor man. 

How sincerely desirous they were of giving the 
freest vent to public opinion, is proved by their reduc- 
tion of the tax on newspapers, to less than one-third 
of its amount. And the total change effected in the 
Post Office system, is one of the greatest triumphs of 



AMERICAN POST OFFICE GAG. 95 

modern legislation. Letters can now travel the "whole 
extent of Britain and Ireland, for one penny each. 
When did an oppressive Government ever encourage 
such free communication over the coimtry under its 
sway ? It is only a Government conscious that they 
have no other end in view but the good of the mass of 
the community, that would take such a step. The 
amount of safe, cheap, and speedy communication now 
existing in Britain, never existed before in any nation 
in the world. 

Contrast this with an American house of legislation, 
carrying a bill up to the very last stage, only a few 
years ago, granting powers to every post-master to 
destroy whatever papers he might choose to think in- 
flammatory. This would have established a Court of 
Inquisition more arbitrary and more extensive than 
w^as ever witnessed in the darkest ages of Spain or 
Italy. For the honor of the country, this atrocious 
attempt was defeated, although by the narrowest pos- 
sible majority. But what regard or understanding of 
the great rights of m.an could exist in a body which 
could have carried such a measure so far, or what 
knowledge of liberty could exist in a country quietly 
looking on while such a measure was so nearly being 
perpetrated. Doubtless Mr. Lester has been on his 
knees on account of this measure, thankful that he was 
born an American ! ! ! 

We shall now make some inquiry into the effect on 
the working man of The taxes in the United States. 



96 AMERICAN TAXES. 

TAXES IN THE UNITED STATES. 

We make no article on this head for the duties 
chargeable on grain, although it is but very recently 
that grain was imported to a great extent, and the 
price must have been affected by these duties, during 
years of importation. Neither shall we make any 
statement of the loss on other articles of agricultural 
produce, from the duties payable upon them. The 
duty on almost every article of that kind is nearly equal, 
and on some greatly superior to what it is in England, 
as will be shown under a separate head. 

We shall take a family of the same kind as in Eng- 
land, viz. a laborer, his wife, and two young children. 
Supposing them to use the same quantity of sugar as 
those in England, the result will be. 
Tax on 521bs sugar, at 3 cts. - - . 

" on 3^ yds. broadcloth, at $1, - 

" on 20 yds. calico, at 4^ cts. 

" on sundries, such as stockings, gloves, 
threads, laces, &c. - - - 

$6 96 
This appears a very moderate estimate ; but suppo- 
sing the population to amount to 15 millions after de- 
ducting two millions for the live property of the 
South, who do not consume many foreign articles, it 
will produce a larger proportion of customs duties than 
is actually paid. We shall therefore reduce this to $6 



1 56 


- 3 50 


- 90 


. 1 00 




AMERICAN TAXES. 97 

or one and a quarter dollar for each individual, which 
is $18,750,000 for the whole customs duties. When 
reducing the duties on foreign goods, payable by each 
person, we are compelled either to ariive at the con- 
clusion, that the great mass of the people consume a 
less quantity of foreign articles than are generally con- 
sidered essential to comfort, or that the duties are 
much evaded. 

We shall not give any opinion, as to which is the 
correct solution of this difficulty. 

But the duties on foreign goods are the smallest part 
of the burdens imposed on the working-man. The 
effect of the duties levied on foreign articles, greatly in- 
creases the price of articles of domestic manufacture. 
The heavy duties on cotton goods, which ranged from 
50 to a 100 per cent, before the operation of Mr. Clay's 
Bill commenced, and the duties on woollen goods of 
fifty per cent, must have seriously affected the comforts 
of the working classes. Little does he think, when 
be puts on his new suit of clothes, or the wife her 
cahco dress, that so large a proportion of the price goes 
into the pockets of the customs collector, or the East- 
ern manufacturer. 

Whatever is necessary for the purposes of revenue, 
no man of reflection, will for one moment suppose ill- 
spent. Those who serve the nation in its civil, mihtary, 
or naval departments have given as just and legitimate 
value for the money they receive, as the mechanic who 



98 AMERICAN TAXES. 

sells his labour, or the merchant his goods. But it is 
worse than disgusting to hear the tens of thousands of 
ignorant beings for ever boasting that there are no 
taxes in the United States. 

The tax on coal we must specially notice, as severe- 
ly affecting the working classes. The duty, formerly 
50 per cent, is still about 30 per cent. Such a 
duty must seriously raise the price of an article, which 
is absolutely indispensable for every family. 

It is impossible with accuracy to estimate the effect 
of the premature encouragement given to domestic 
manufactures. Mr. McCulloch estimates that the loss 
to the United States before 1832, was 55 to 65 millions 
dollars annually — say 60,000,000. We suppose the 
operation of the tariff has lowered this loss to one half, 
or 30,000,000 per annum. But then the addition of 
one third must be added for the increased population, 
which will bring up the loss at the present day to 
$40,000,000. 

We have no means of knowing the value of articles 
manufactured in the United States. 

In the year 1836 to 1837, the manufactured goods of 
Massachusetts, amounted to seventy-seven millions of 
dollars. We think that the whole manufactures of the 
United States will not exceed three times that amount. 
And deducting eleven millions for the amount exported, 
it will leave two hundred and twenty millions for the 
value of domestic manufactures consumed in the coun- 



PERNICIOUS BANKING SYSTEM. 99 

try, including expense of making up foreign articles.* If 
we suppose that twenty per cent, has been added to the 
price, by the duties laid on foreign goods, this makes a 
loss to the country of forty-four millions dollars. Seven- 
teen millions of population at two and a half dollars 
each, will give forty-two and a half millions . 

We think this may be reasonably assumed, as the 
average loss by the increased price of manufactured 
goods, which to a family of four, would amount to ten 
dollars — but as such a family will not consume so much 
as others of a more wealthy kind, we shall take this at 
$7 50 — being three fourths of the average rate. Sup- 
pose such a family to consume three tons of coal, at 
eight dollars per ton, and that the duty on foreign coal 
raises the general price ten per cent., this will operate 
as a tax to the amount of two dollars and forty cents. 

But the heaviest tax of all is the effect of the cur- 
rency laios. The loss estimated by all classes of the 
community by the depreciation and worthlessness of 
the paper currency, is enormous. A comparatively 
small part of the money passed from hand to hand for 
family purposes, is at par. It ranges generally from 
three fourths to five per cent, discount. Constant 
failures of banks are taking place, and forged bills, and 
bills of banks failed long ago, are passed in retail trans- 

• Since the above was written we have compared this estimate 
with the last census returns, and find that it substantially agrees 
with them ; the manufactures liable to be effected by foreign im- 
ports considerably exceeding two hundred millions of dollars. 



lUO PEaNICIOUS BANKING SYSTEM ] 

actions, and the loss falls often on those who are ill able i 
to bear it. We shall certainly be within the mark, if j 
we calculate this at five per cent, on the expenditure 
of each person. The loss either from a depreciated '' 
currency and consequent advance on the price of ar- ] 
tides or direct loss by the sales of bills, will certainly i 
not be below that amount. j 

It is truly lamentable to see the deplorable manner 
in which this part of the national business is managed. 
Safety Fund, Red Back, and every kind of minute plan 
has been devised, and all have been ineffectual, as must 
invariably be the case when narrow and trifling legis- 
tion is applied to an extensive and important question. 
The true and only remedy is to allow no bank to go 
into operation, without every one of the partners being 
made responsible in all their private property, and to 
allow no bank to issue bills, without a large paid up 
capital — no partner to sell out without advertising in 
several newspapers. These simple principles would at 
once bring the banking system into a safe and advan- 
tageous state. The very danger to bank partners under 
such regulations, generally brought forward as an ob- 
jection, would insure a wise and faithful management, 
and in a short time, no fears would be entertained of 
becoming a partner in an institution, which would of 
course receive a most diligent system of watchfulness^ 
and have the entire confidence of the community. 



- $5 00 


- 7 50 


2 40 


15 40 



TAXES IN AMERICA. lOl 

Suppose the income of a labourer, at one 

dollar per day, it amounts, per annum, to $308 00 

Taxes by duties on foreign goods. 
Taxes on domestic goods, arising from ope- 
ration of Tariff, - - - - 
Taxes on coals, - - - - 
Five per cent, on Income by loss on bills, 

$30 30 
This amounts to nearly ten per cent, on his income, 
lost by the operation of the laws, and but a small part 
of it paid on account of expenses of government. This 
gives an amount of <£! 10s. for each individual, while 
a person in such a situation in England, pays only 
14s. 6 3-4d. 

The income of the person we have now taken is con- 
siderably below the class of masons and carpenters, 
and many other branches of business in England, while 
the taxes of the one, or the effects of the laws of the 
country imposes a double burden on this side of the 
water. If we compare the class of masons and car- 
penters in this country, with those in England, the re- 
sult will not be in favor of this country. The wages 
given here, are from 10 to 12s. per day, New York 
currency, which may be a little above the English 
wages. But the vast difference of house rent, chiefly aris- 
ing from th(? enormous local taxes, consumes a large 
10 



102 AMERICAN LOTAL TAXATION. 

part of the working man's income, and the price of coals 
is from double, to five times greater here than in Britain. 

On the other hand bread is generally 20 to 25 per 
cent. ; tea, 40, and sugar 20 to 30 per cent, cheaper in 
America. Where the wages are nearly equal, the 
working man's money will go farther, and produce him 
more comfort, in England than in America. It is to be 
lamented that there is a very considerable proportion 
of the working people of England who from low wages 
do not receive such a proportion of comforts as they 
would require. 

We think we have distinctly shown that the govern- 
ment and laws of that country are in no shape to blame 
for this state of things. We have farther shown that if 
many of the working classes enjoy advantages here, it 
does not arise from the government or laws, which 
have imposed heavier burdens on the working man 
here, than in the old country. 

The local taxes in the United States which w^e have 
not taken into account, are much more heavy than in 
Britain. The tax on property, which includes personal 
or moveable property laid on in New York, is both er- 
roneous in principle and heavy in amount, and besides 
the tax on foreign salt, the poor man's salt is heavily 
taxed both in New York and Pennsylvania, by the 
State Legislatures.* 

* It will scarcely be credited in Europe, that the local taxes 
of New York City, amount in round numbers to one million two 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars, being 16s. 8d. sterling, or 
above four doUars for each man, woman, and child. This is very 



103 

While on this subject, we cannot help noticing the 
Hobson's Choice given to the citizens of this state, 
either to be a soldier, to draw a fire engine, or become 
a juryman. The soldier or militia man's service, 
we think no hardship. Every man who loves his 
country, should not grudge a small part of his time to 
qualify him to defend it ; although there is no risk of 
the country ever again encountering an enemy, if 
their own folly does not convert into enemies those 
who are sincerely desirous of being their friends ; and 
the military spirit should not be too much encouraged. 

The firemen we always look on with compassion. 
They are a doomed race. The whole system is the 
worst that can be conceived. It contains unmixed ele- 
ments of disorder, and mischief, which are necessarily 
forever developing themselves. If the act estabhshing 
it had been entitled " an act for the more effectually de- 
moralizing a number of promising young men, and for in- 
flicting as much annoyance as possible on the people of 
New York," it would have been most appropriate. 
We trust many escape the contagion, but we contend 
that its construction and tendencies are decidedly mis- 
chievous. It is not possible that a system so far be- 
hind the age can continue much longer. 

far beyond the amount of taxes paid by any city in Britain of the 
same extent. The taxes of Glasgow, which contains about the 
same number of inhabitants as New York, certainly do not amount 
to one third of this sum. 



104 ELECTION SYSTEM. 

The duty of a juryman in this state is most oppressive. 
This duty ought to be regarded as a privilege, and not 
a burden. Wisely administered, it is one of the most 
valuable institutions of a free country. The length of 
time jurymen are kept from their business, owing to 
the narrowness of the jury list, and the unnecessary 
length of trials, imposes a burden on that class of the 
community greater than the amount of all the taxes, 
on men of the same income in England. This is a 
strong statement, but it admits of proof. 

The time consumed in elections in this country is ano- 
ther serious tax. The frequency of their return has 
occasioned a class of men to be formed who seem to 
have nothing else to do than to attend to politics. If 
the amount of time spent in a year about elections, 
were calculated, it would be found to diminish by a 
vast sum the value of the productive labor of the coun- 
try. Much capital might be accumulated, which is 
lost from this cause. We are only speaking of unne- 
cessary time; for the country has a claim to a cer- 
tain portion of each man's time to attend to public 
affairs. Other duties will tell him when to stop. 
Those who exceed that limit, are generally least quali- 
fied to assist in the management of public affairs. 



CHAPTER VIL 

BRITISH AND AMERICAN COMMERCIAL SYSTEMS. 

We begin by examining Mr. Lester's statements 
about the ruin of British commerce. In reference to 
Britain, Mr. Lester, in vol. 2d, page 264, says : " her 
monopohzing policy has recoiled upon herself, and now 
she cannot find a market for half she is able to pro- 
duce, and her manufactures are fast declining. The 
facts of the case arc most astonishing, and in our coun- 
try but little known." 

AVhat a mercy it is that such a splendid genius has 
arisen to illuminate the Western Hemisphere ! Again 
he says, " By her refusing to receive the corn of 
Europe and America, these countries are no longer 
able to purchase her goods ; and from being her cus- 
tomers, they have turned to be her rivals. English 
exports have fallen off rapidly." Let us see again, 
whether the Rev. author be speaking correctly. In 
the year 1836, ending fifth January, 1837, Britain 
and Ireland exported the vast amount of domestic 
manufactured goods and produce alone, of ^£53,293,979, 
real value. In 1837, chiefly from the great decline in 
the American demand, her exports fell to je42,069,245. 



106 BRITISH TRADE. 

But from the buoyancy of British enterprise, in the 
very next year, 1838, the exports rose again to 
^£50,060,970, and in the following year the ground she 
had lost was almost entirely recovered, as the exports 
of England alone amounted to ^52,701,509; and if 
Ireland exported the same as in the previous year, the 
total will be je53,121,583. 

The void thus occasioned by the reverse in the Ame- 
rican trade, was nearly filled up in two years, partly 
from the revival of that trade, but more considerably, 
from an increase in other quarters. And thus ends 
Mr. Lester's " fast declining exports.'- 

This revival of trade shows the absurdity of the alle- 
gation about 40,000 operatives being out of employ- 
ment in Manchester, in June 1840, and it is apparent, 
that the more recent distresses have been chiefly confin- 
ed to those houses w^hich have suffered from the conse- 
quences of the American speculations of 1835 and '6.* 

But our author becomes more particular in the facts, 
which are " little knowm". " In 1833 she sent to va- 
rious parts of the world, 8,000,000 yards of velveteen, 
and in 1835 only half that quantity." What a Solon ! 
How could velveteens be sold, when they were going 
out of fashion ? 

Now, in 1833, the exports of British manufactures, 
were ^639,305,000, and in 1836, ^£53,293,979. So 

* Paisley, where the recent distress has fallen heaviest, has 
been principally manufacturing for the American market, and her 
manufacturers have been ruined by that connection. 



LESTER ON VELVETEENS. 107 

Mr. Lester may be easy about bis velveteens. But 
again, he says, " Britain in 1833 exported of cotton 
goods to Germany, 29,500,000 yards. In 1838 only 
one quarter as much." As cotton goods are a great 
article of export to that country, the cursory reader 
will naturally suppose, that the exports to Germany 
had fallen oif to a quarter of their previous amount. 
Now the fact is, that in 1833 Britain exported to Ger- 
many, manufactures to the amount of ^£4,355,000, and 
in 1838 to the amount of ^£4,988,000, being an in- 
crease of fifteen per cent. 

A still more extraordinary statement remains. 
'* The quantity (of cotton goods) sent to Russia in 
1820, was 13,200,000 yards ; in 1837 (we suppose our 
author means 1827) only 847,000, and in 1837 not 
one yard." Now, in 1837, Britain exported to Russia, 
of white or plain cotton, 980,779 yards, and of printed 
or dyed cottons, 145,760 yards. The total declared 
or real value of all the cotton exports to Russia that 
year, where, we are informed, not one yard was ex- 
ported, was jG 1,669,855. The total exports of all 
kinds to the same quarter, was ^62,046,592. 

We are then told " that in 1815 England supplied 
the whole commercial world with hosiery ; but in 
1838, while she sent 447,000 dozens to the 'West In- 
dies, Saxony sent a million and a half." We have no 
means of checking the accuracy of this statement, 
although we doubt not that it would exhibit the 
author's usual correctness. We know, however, that 



108 LESTER PARTIAL 

the gross exports to the British and Foreign West In» 
diesj were, in 1833, je3,356,345, and in 1838, 
X4,360,129, being an increase of about thirty per cent, 
in five years. 

We are farther told " that throughout the continent, 
manufactures of almost every kind are springing up ; 
and there is not a country there, that does not bristle 
with steam engines, and factory chimnies." 

Why did not our author go over, and get some Ger- 
man nobleman to show him the curiosities of the sys- 
tem, which is so emphatically condemned in England ? 
If the Germans are underselling England, it must be 
under the disadvantage of inferior capital and ma- 
chinery, and can only be effected by wages being a 
great deal lower there, than in England. Really he 
should deal his favors more equally. Has he no feel- 
ings for the poor German operatives ? Oh ! no. Nor 
would he have expressed any for the English, except- 
ing for the opportunity it afforded of bringing a railing 
accusation against England and her government. 

But our author again states, " many of these nations are 
now England's powerful rivals." And why not ? A 
nation so proud, so unjust, and oppressive, the sooner 
she is pulled down the better. We entreat the Rev. 
author not to take on so sadly. " Within the last 
two years they have exported their goods to Britain, 
paid heavy duties, and undersold the English manufac- 
turer on his own ground." Now we wish our travel- 
ler had been a Httle more particular about the kinds of 
of goods, and value, that he alludes to. 



AND INJUDICIOUS. 109 

But he is right for once. He has been so unfortu- 
nate in his facts, that he has on this occasion, abstain- 
€d from giving any. Well would it have been for 
him, if he had poured out the vials of his puny indig- 
nation against Britain, without giving these particular 
statements, for they are highly dangerous, as we have 
often shown. If before commencing his book he had 
consulted a friend, he might have received from him 
the advice once given to a judge, who had just been 
raised to the bench, and who was Httle distinguished 
for his wisdom, or legal knowledge. " Now sir, (said 
this judicious friend,) when you give a decision, never 
give any reasons j your judgments may pass without 
note or comment, but if you attempt to give rationes 
decidendi, you are undone." 

But to return to the subject, it must be matter of 
sincere delight, that the long period of peace which has 
existed on the continent of Europe, is beginning to pro- 
duce its legitimate effects on the habits of the people. 
So long an interval of peace has not occurred for seve- 
ral centuries, and security of property and industrious 
habits, are now taking the place of a state of war, and 
all the evils which for ever attend it. How much 
more desirable must it be, to every friend of the human 
race, to see those regions bristling with steam engines, 
which used to bristle with cannon and musquetry, and 
all the murderous appliances of war.* 

• It has been customary with the advocates of Protection, to 
point to the results of the Prussian League, as affording undenia- 



110 FREE TRADE BENEFICAL. 

If the industrious and steady Germans can send cheaper 
hosiery into the West Indies, than the British, let them 
do so, by all means. The West Indies cannot take 
their hosiery and pay for them, but by sending them in 
return, additional supplies of sugar or of coffee, and 
both parties will be benefitted by the transaction. And 
if they undersell the British manufacturer, in his own 
home market, let them do so. They can only get pay- 
ment, by taking some article that Britain can furnish 
cheaper than her German neighbors. There is no 
other way of settling the account. The Germans will 
not be asked, neither can they afford to take state 
bonds, and bank shares, in return. Britain can alone 
afford to carry on that trade, but it is now " used up,'" 
as they say in America. 

But how contradictory is this allegation of Britain get- 
ting German goods, thrown into the home market, to the 
statements we for ever hear about British restrictions. 
Does our author not see, that this statement is in direct 
contradiction to his often repeated allegations ? 

ble evidence of the advantage of keeping out foreign goods. And 
the improvements which have lately taken place in Germany, in 
raanufactmes and agriculture, and the rise in the value of land, are 
triumphantly pointed at as the result of the restrictive system. 
Now we arrive at quite an opposite conclusion, being of opinion, 
that the country has improved in spite of the restrictive system. 
Other and more powerful causes, which we have noticed above 
have produced these beneficial and natural results. And we 
trust it will be long before this happy state of things is disturb- 
ed. 



AMERICAN DUTIES. Ill 

Our author says, page 255, " Every American knows 
that we can manufacture every thing we want/*' 
Why don't you do it then ? Just simply, because 
you have not the means, for want of capital and popu- 
lation. Why not begin by building a steamboat to 
cross the Atlantic, which we are for ever annoy- 
ed about, as just being begun ? " American manufac- 
tures against the world," was inscribed on the gate of 
the annual exhibition at New York. Such acts of 
silly bombast only throw an air of ridicule over insti- 
tutions, in themselves most praiseworthy, for exciting 
the industry and mechanical talent of this rising coun- 
try. 

Again we are told that " to protect our manufac- 
tures, and defend ourselves against her exclusive legis- 
lation, we have imposed heavy duties upon goods, and 
as she seems determined to pursue a line of policy, so 
suicidal to herself, and so unjust to others, when our 
heaviest duties on her commodities were about to cease, 
Congress has deemed it expedient to renew them.'' 
Now where did our most veritable author get this 
news ? It never came from Washington. Congress 
has not voted the high duties to be contiuned. It has 
wisely allowed the operation of Mr. Clay's bill to go 
on, till the duties are reduced to 20 per cent, ad valo- 
rem, and placed the same rate of duty, (with the ex- 
ception of a few articles,) on such goods as were 
formerly admitted free of duty. These new duties 
were placed, not as a protection, but to raise a reve- 



112 NEW KIND OF GURSE. 

nue, which the necessities of the country require. 
A more judicious course could not have been adopted^ 
and we trust it will not be disturbed by any after pro- 
ceedings. ^ 

But here our author comes again ; ^' If the duties we \ 
impose (what duties'?) inflict keener sorrows upon the 
tortured English operatives, we are not to blame : ; 
England has driven us to it — w^e should be insane, not ] 
to guard ourselves against her destructive enactments, i 
It was a long time before our importers saw the folly i 
of sending away millions of specie every year, for i 
English goods, while she refused to receive our grain ' 
in payment. But they do see, and feel it now, and it j 
will be long before we are again cursed wdth the enor- i 
mous importations of 1835 and 1836." We cry you ' 
mercy, most Rev. author, we must inquire first, on 
whose head the curse has fallen. War, famine, and ] 
pestilence, are universally admitted to be unqualified ; 
evils, but a great supply of valuable commodities en- \ 
trusted on the faith of national honor and integrity, 
can only be converted into a curse, by the abuse of the 
confidence reposed in her. But be not uneasy, this ' 
kind of curse wull not occur again speedily. The 
credit of the States must be better, before Britain will ' 
send sixty-two millions and a half of goods in one ! 
year. | 

It appears that, notwithstanding Britain has destroy- | 
ed her trade, by her horrid and unjust duties, (" Oh ! the 
folly, the madness of Enghsh statesmen" — page 269) ■ 



BALANCE OF TRADE. 113 

she still has some trade, even with the United States. 
By the annual statement of American trade, end- 
ing September, 1840, the United States exported 
$132,000,000, and imported only $ 107,000,000, leav- 
ing a balance of $25,000,000 as excess of exports. 

The Evening Post (Nov. 1841) says, the excess of 
our exports was nearly all in trade, with Great Britain. 
It is added, " our trade with Great Britain and France 
takes about two-thirds of all our exports, and employs 
about one-third of the shipping employed in foreign 
trade." Again, what horrid things these figures are. 
How they break in on the calculations of such a politi- 
cal economist as Mr. Lester. We would advise him to 
study the exact science of mathematics, before pub- 
lishing his next work. 

How gratifying it must be, to those who have been 
so seriously lamenting that Americans received every 
thing from abroad, and sent nothing in exchange, that 
they are at last in the way of making money by 
these transactions, having actually sent away twenty- 
five millions more than they have received, in the 
course of the last year, of which we yet have a re- 
turn. 

We lately saw a published report of a speech by 
Gen. Tallmadge, at the National Institute, in which it 
is gravely asserted, that millions of gold are annual- 
ly sent to France for her manufactures, and that France 
takes no goods in return. How is it possible for the 
American public to swallow such nonsense, in opposi- 

n 



114 ENLARGED BENEVOLENCE. 

tion to the official statements from their own authori- 
tieS; regularly laid before the world. 

In a late New York newspaper, was an ad captan- 
dwn article, showing that there was not a material of 
any kind, either for use, or for manufactures, which 
America did not produce, and that in a short time, she 
would not only manufacture every thing for her own 
use, but go into every market which Britain has for 
her goods, and take the whole trade. As she is pos- 
sessed of every thing at home, it follows that for these 
vast exports, she neither can, nor will take any thing 
in return. Now, here is a plan, at least most disinter- 
ested, and benevolent, which throws an entirely new 
light on American character. She will feed and clothe 
the world, all for love. We hope she does not intend 
to leave Britain out of her scheme, but that when under 
the influence of this sudden and unwonted generosity, 
she will make her benevolence as extended, as it is ex- 
traordinary. 

But before carrying this plan into execution, it 
might be prudent to inquire, whether she will not in- 
jure the recipients of her bounty, by the idleness which 
her generosity w^ill occasion. Probably the rest of 
mankind might be employed in music, painting, and 
other branches of the Fine Arts, if the philanthropy, 
or spirit of competition of the United States, will allow 
her friends even to retain these employments. But 
seriously, there is in the present aspect of the pub- 
lic matters of this country, much to awaken the 



AMERICAN TRADE. "115 

most anxious attention of all who really wish to see 
her prosperous. 

We subjoin a statement of the Exports and Im- 
ports of the United States, for the last twenty years ; 
with the excess on each side. 

TABLE NO. 1. 

Table of Exports and Imports from 30th September 1820, to 
30th September 1840. 





Exports. 


Imports, Exc. Exports. Exc. Imports. 


1821 


$64,974,382 


$62,585,724 


$2,383,658 


$ 


1822 


72,160,281 


83,241,541 




11,081,260 


1823 


74,699,030 


77,579,267 




2,880,237 


1824 


75,986,657 


80,549,007 




4,562,350 


1825 


99,535,338 


96,340,075 


3,195,313 




1826 


77,595,322 


84,974,477 




7,379,155 


1827 


82,324,826 


79,484,068 


2,840,759 




1828 


72,264,686 


88,509,824 




16,245,138 


1829 


72,358,671 


74,492,527 




2,133,856 


1830 


73,849,508 


70,876,920 


2,972,588 




1831 


81,310,583 


103,191,134 




21,880,551 


1832 


87,176,943 


101,029,266 




13,852,323 


1833 


90,140,433 


108,118,311 




17,977,878 


1834 


104,336,973 


126,521,332 




22,184,359 


1835 


121,693,577 


149,895,742 




28,202,165 


1836 


128,663,040 


189,980,035 




61,316,995 


1837 


117,419,376 


140,986,217 




23,566,841 


1838 


108,486,616 


113,717,404 




5,230,788 


1839 


121,028,416 


169,092,132 




48,063,716 


1840 


132,000,000 


107,000,000 


25,000,000 





116 AMERICAN TRADE. 

We earnestly request the attention of our readers to 
the foregoing statement. It will be observed, that for 
nine years, from 1831 to 1839 inclusive, the United 
States have imported every year a large amount be- 
yond their exports, and in whole to the great extent 
of above two hundred and forty -two milHons of dol- 
lars, or above forty-eight millions of pounds sterling. 

How is this excess of imports to be accounted for 1 
In no other way, than from the large amount of bonds 
sold in the European markets. Let the ten years pre- 
vious to 1831 be examined, and it w411 be found, that 
only thirty-three milhons were imported, more than were 
exported. This may be fairly accounted for, as the 
profits drawn on foreign shipments. Some part of the 
two hundred and forty-two millions may be also placed 
to the same account, and a considerable sum, to the 
losses sustained by the failure of houses in America. 
But the largest part must undoubtedly be placed to ac- 
count of State bonds, bank and other stocks sold in 
Europe, of which we formerly estimated Britain's share 
at one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. 

It has been customary to call a balance of imports be- 
yond exports, an unfavorable balance, but modern 
principles of political economy, have shown that the 
reverse is the correct deduction. We know every 
merchant thinks so. We should consider that man in 
an unsound state of mind, who should boast, that his 
trade had this year been most prosperous, for he had 
actually sold five hundred thousand dollars' worth, and 



BALANCE OF TRADE. 117 

received four hundred thousand dollars' worth in ex- 
change. If any man was making this statement in 
company, would he get a single individual to join him 
in his self gratification 1 Certainly not. And what is 
beneficial to individuals, must also be beneficial to the 
whole community. 

The amount of foreign capital thus intrusted to the 
management of the people of the United States has 
unquestionably put in progress many great public 
works, which are necessary for developing the re- 
sources of the country. Had it been all prudently 
and carefully applied, the public benefit derived would 
have been much greater. That much of it has been 
wasted, is not the fault of the lenders. Yet how 
common is it to hear of the hardship imposed on this 
country, in paying so much interest to foreigners. 
The disowning of so many State Bonds, has inflicted 
a blow on this country, that she will not recover for 
many years, unless the policy of these states is in- 
stantly changed. 

And now the consequences of these disgraceful acts 
are beginning to appear. Twenty-five millions of dol- 
lars are withdrawn in the year ending September, 
1840, as the previous table shows. Mr. Lester, and 
those who think with him, will rejoice at this result. 
They are in truth most indignant at the importations, 
and declare they will not have them. The Evening 
Post rejoices at the balance being in the favor of Amer- 
ica, and in short the congratulation is loud and strong, 
11* 



118 CONSEQUENCES OF REPUDIATION. 

that capital has at last begun to leave the country. 
The credit of the States stood so high in Europe, from 
the punctuality with which their interest was wont to 
be paid, that they might have drawn up capital from 
that quarter to any amount, which could be beneficially 
employed. Now all is changed. There will, since the 
denial of the debts, he no extra importations. John 
Bull has only received abuse for his past confidence, 
and will no longer give his cloths and calicoes, but 
for cotton, tobacco, rice or flour. Oh I but the great 
exports take away the gold, and the importers will no 
longer carry on that trade — what folly ! Does any 
importer shape his transactions on other basis than 
his own interest ? If he were to assume any other rule, 
provided his operations are all consistent with law and 
justice, he would injure the pubhc, instead of benefitting 
it. He imports as many goods as he can sell safely, 
and with a profit, and remits the payment in the most 
economical shape. How often has this absurdity about 
specie been refuted. It is merely an article of traflSc 
the same as any other. The merchant rarely makes 
his remittances in specie. Generally, he buys a bill of 
exchange, representing cotton or some other commodity, 
which has been sent to Britain or France, and in this 
way settles his debt. Occasionally, when exchange is 
difficult to be procured, and of course the premium is 
high, and specie in demand in Europe, he will make his 
remittance in specie, provided he can save a quarter 
or half per cent, on the rate of a bill, after paying 
he expense of freight and insurance. 



LUXURIES AND NECESSARIES. 2l9 

He never thinks of regulating the exchange, or pre- 
serving the specie at home. He regulates his own af- 
fairs only. But this very operation regulates the ex- 
change, without his intending it. Others remit in the 
same way, and this lightens the demand for bills, and 
reduces the premium. The supply of gold sent abroad 
lowers the price there, and raises the price here, and it 
flows back again in remittances from England and 
France. 

This is all very plain, and is known to every banker, 
and many banker's clerks in Wall street. But in the 
face of all this, politicians and spouters at public meet- 
ings, are forever annoying us, about gold paid for Bri- 
tish cloths and French gew gaws. We cannot turn 
ourselves in any direction, without hearing of the drain 
of gold arising from the importation of foreign goods. 
An amusing instance of this was given in a late num- 
ber of the New York Tribune, where a grave enumer- 
ation appears of luxuries imported in the last year, 
and the cost of these luxuries. After mentioning silks, 
wines and other articles, which are to a certain extent 
luxuries, the editor adds butter and cheese. To show 
the different kind of value given by the States for these 
luxuries, all the specie and coin exported, is set down 
against them, and a variety of other articles which are 
said to be much more indispensable than the foreign 
luxuries. What does the reader think is one of the 
heads to balance the cheese and butter imports, but 
BUTTER AND CHEESE EXPORTED to a far greater amount 



120 SUMPTUARY CODE. 

than the importation of these articles. The Bullion im- 
ported within the same period is not set down against the 
exports of Bullion, as it ought in all fairness to have been, 
but is reserved to balance some unknown articles, not de- 
nounced by the sumptuary code of the worthy editor of 
that paper; and butter and cheese are held to be 
luxuries when imported into the United States, but 
articles of necessity when exported. We are always 
sorry when such oddities appear in a paper so much 
entitled to respect, particularly for its able and honest 
exertions to prevent the repudiation of the State debts. 

The " Home League" for the protection of Ameri- 
can Industry, have drawn up a Memorial to Congress 
in which is the following clause—" without the preser- 
vation and encouragement of the great mechanical and 
manufacturing interests, hy securing to them the home 
market free from all disturbance from abroad, no sound 
system of finance can exist. By this process of unpro- 
fitable exchanges, which for the last ten years we have 
by unwise legislation encouraged, Europe has already 
obtained from us, not only the gold and silver our com- 
merce could accumulate, but two hundred milHons of 
public and corporate credit has passed into the hands 
of foreign capitalists, in exchange of what we should 
have manufactured for ourselves, thereby exciting a 
drain upon our industry far more burdensome than a 
tax of ten millions annually." 

There is much to comment upon in this extract, and 
in other parts of this memorial, but for the present we 



EFFECT ON SPECIE. 121 

notice only the effect said to have arisen by unprofita- 
ble exchanges, drawing the specie from the country. 
We wish that some of the writers on this side of the 
question would have favored their readers with the 
figures of the case. But they have studiously abstained 
from doing so, as far as we have observed, knowing 
that the result of an examination, from facts, would 
settle the question against them for ever, and we entreat 
the reader to go along writh us, while we supply the 
deficiencies of these political economists. We subjoin 
a statement of the exports and imports of specie and 
coin from and to the United States, from 1st October, 
1820, to 1st October, 1840, being the precise period 
embraced in Table No. 1. 



122 TRADE IN COIN AND BULLION. 

TABLE No. 2. 

Table of Exports and Imports of Coin and Specie Exported from, 
and Imported into, the United States from 1st October, 1820^ 
to 1st October, 1840. 

Exports. Imports. Exc. Exports. Exc. Imports. 

1821, $10,478,059 ^8,064,890 $2,413,169 

1822, 10,810,180 3,369,845 7,440,334 

1823, 6,372,987 5,097,896 1,275,091 

1824, 7,014,552 8,379,835 .. 1,365,283 

1825, 8,797,055 6,150,765 2,646,290 

1826, 4,098,678 6,880,966 .. 2,782,288 

1827, 6,971,306 8,151,130 .. 1,179,824 

1828, 8,243,476 7,489,741 753,735 

1829, 4,924,020 7,403,612 .. 2,479,592 

1830, 1,241,622 8,155,964 .. 6,914,342 

1831, 9,014,931 7,305,945 1,708,986 

1832, 5,656,540 5,907,504 .. 250,964 

1833, 2,244,859 7,070,368 .. 4,825,509 

1834, 1,676,258 17,911,263 ., 16,235,374 

1835, 6,477,775 13,131,447 .. 6,653,672 

1836, 4,324,336 13,400,881 .; 9,076,545 

1837, 4,692,730 10,516,414 .. 5,823,684 

1838, 3,058,047 17,747,116 .. 14,239,070 

1839, 8,775,443 5,574,263 3,201,180 

1840, 8,417,014 3,554,631 4,862,383 

We beg our readers to compare the above with 
Table No. 1, which we gave in a previous page, 
showing the total exports and imports for the same 
years. On the principle laid down in the Home League 
Memorial, whenever the balance of imports of goods 
exceeds the exports, the gold should be drained from 



SPECIE BALANCES. 123 

the country, and in the reverse when the exports are 
largest, the balance should be received from abroad in 
bulhon. 

Now on casting the eye over Table No. 1, it will be 
observed, that in five years only of the twenty years, 
do the exports of the United States exceed the imports, 
viz. in 1821, 1825, 1827, 1830, and 1840 ; and in all 
these years, according to the theory of the Home 
League, and Protectionists, balances of specie should 
have been received by the Union. But let table No. 2, 
be examined, and it will be found that in two of these 
years only, was a specie balance received, viz : in 1827 
and 1830 — while in the remaining three years, viz. in 
1821, 1825, and 1840, specie balances were exported. 
It will also be found that for the whole five years the 
account will stand as follows : 

Balance export of specie, 1821, - $2,413,169 
Ditto, ditto, 1825, - - 2,646,290 

Ditto, ditto, 1840, - 4,862,383 



$9,921,842 



Deduct balance imports, 1827, $1,179,824 

Ditto, ditto, 1830, 6,914,342 8,094,166 

Balance exported, - - - $1,827,676 

So that in a period of five years, in which the general 
exports exceeded the imports, as shown in table No» 1, 
it is made evident from table No. 2, that the result has 
been attended with an export of specie, to the amount 
of $1,827,676. 



124 SPECIE BALANCES. 

Let us now turn to the other side of the account, and 
see how the specie operations are affected, when the 
general imports exceed the general exports, which 
was the case during the other fifteen years of the period 
in table No, 1. During these fifteen years, two hund- 
red and eighty-six millions of imports were received 
beyond the exports, which ought to have deprived the 
United States of every dollar and eagle in her posses- 
sion, if the theory we are contending against had been 
correct. But an examination of table No. 2, will 
show that during five years only of the fifteen, was a 
balance of specie exported, and during the remaining 
ten years, large balances were imported. 

The five years, viz. 1822, 1823, 1828, 1830 and 
1839, show a gross export of specie beyond the im- 
port, of $14,376,326, while the remaining ten years 
show a balance of import of - - $63,731,981 
From which deduct the export of the 

five years, - - . . 14,379,326 



Leaving balance imported, $49,352,655 

So that during a period of fifteen years, with a most 
unfavorable balance of trade, according to the doctrine 
of the League, no less than $49,352^655 of specie 
balance has been received ; and if from that sum the 
$ 1,827,676 exported during the first noticed five years 
be deducted, a specie balance for the whole twenty 
years will remain to the United States of $47,524,979. 
Let us notice some particular years of this period. 



BALANCE OF TRADE. 125 

In 1834, the general imports exceeded the exports 
twenty-two millions, and yet sixteen millions of specie 
balance was imported. In 1836, when the excess of 
imports reached sixty-two millions, and it might have 
been expected that if the old specie balance theory 
had any foundation, it would have shown itself j even 
then, above nine millions of balance in specie was re- 
ceived. And in 1838, after the convulsion of 1837 
had occurred, above fourteen millions of specie excess 
was received. Is any thing more wanted to show that 
the theory of the balance of trade being paid by spe- 
cie, is a mere fallacy ? 

Take the year 1840 : after long and anxious watch- 
ings of the sky for a shower of gold, expected to fall 
in enormous quantities, and not contented that the pre- 
vious eight years had added so largely to the stock of 
bullion, this year of jubilee at last appears. The ex- 
ports at length exceed the imports by twenty-five 
millions, and instead of specie being drawn in by this 
altered state of things, what is the result ? the ex'port 
of gold has exceeded the import by $4,862,383. 
There cannot be a more clear proof of the correctness 
of the political economists of the day, who contend 
that bullion is merely an article of traffic, the same as 
any other, and that it is carried wherever it will bring 
the highest price. 

If it be objected to our reasoning that the large 
importations into the United States have been balanced 

by the sales of stocks, and that the drain of specie 
12 



126 USES OF SPECIE. 

from this country has been prevented alone by this 
cause ; we admit that these operations have kept the 
general balance between this country and Europe in a 
state of equilibrium, but deny that any permanent 
drain of specie could have taken place, although they 
had not existed. The exchange being against a coun- 
try, as we have already shown, may for a time cause 
some remittances to be made in specie, but that is soon 
corrected by the rise of the price in the country which 
exported, and the fall in that country to which it is 
sent. 

It is precisely the same as if a redundancy of broad- 
cloth should occur in the American warehouses, and 
from some cause, a temporary rise on the same article 
take place in England. The moment it was found 
that broadcloth was the most advantageous way of 
remitting payment of a debt in England, it would be 
bought up and sent. But after a certain number of 
transactions had occurred, and this new market came to 
be known, broadcloth w^ould naturally rise here, and 
the moment it could not form a profitable remittance, 
the merchant would look out for some mode of dis- 
charging his foreign debt. It is exactly so with 
specie. 

Besides, it is not the interest of any country to have 
too great a supply of it for a circulating medium. It 
does not settle large or distant transactions, excepting 
to a very limited extent, and under particular circum- 
stances. It is chiefly useful for the smaller transac- 



CAUSES OF EXPORTATION. 121 

tions of retail business, and as a fund for keeping bank 
paper at its proper level. When carried beyond this, 
it only sinks an unnecessary amount of capital. The 
exports of gold in 1839 and 1840, have in part arisen 
from the loss of credit of the country. They have also 
been partly occasioned by political causes. When the 
absurd cry of war was raised in Spring, 1839, about 
the miserable wastes of the North-East frontier, then 
did the flow of specie from this country commence, and 
it has been continued in 1840, though to a small ex- 
tent in either year. The necessities of the Bank of 
England, which caused her to take such stringent mea- 
sures in the reduction of her paper, have also assisted 
in this drain. These necessities are now supplied, and 
the demand having ceased from that quarter, and as 
the chance of foreign war decreases, the specie will 
naturally flow back into its usual channels. It forms 
an article of remittance during panics arising from 
political causes, and in all sudden emergencies, such as 
when Britain imported corn so largely in 1839 and 
1840. But it is not the general payer of balances be- 
tween nations, and cannot indeed be, as the returns 
given abundantly show. 

It wdll further be found, that the assertion is utterly 
groundless, that the operation of Mr. Clay's bill, by 
reducing duties, has drained the country of gold. So 
far from this being the case, during the first twelve 
years in No. 2 table, viz. from 1821 to 1832 inclusive, 
when the duties on foreign goods were all very high, a 
specie balance was actually paid by the United States 



128 SPECIE BALANCES. 

of $1,265,312, while in the remaining eight years 
from 1833 to 1840, a balance has been received of 
$48,790,291. Yet in the face of this we are told that 
free trade takes the specie from the country. So far from 
this, it appears that under the heavy restrictions that 
were imposed on foreign commerce, in the period from 
1821 to 1832, all the specie acquired from the mines of 
South America by this country, was exported, and 
$1,265,312 in addition, and on the other hand, since 
the lowering of the duties, above forty-nine millions of 
dollars in specie have been drawn in, under the sys- 
tem which is now sought to be overturned. It will 
be well to weigh this important fact, before irremedi- 
able evil is done. 

Again, if it be alleged, that the large influx of spe- 
cie of late years arises from South America, it is an- 
swered by the fact that nearly thirty millions were re- 
ceived from Europe from 1834 to 1838, while less than 
twenty millions were exported to all places, during that 
period. 

The Union is now paying up a part of what was 
lent to improve the country with. The undertakings 
are not finished, but no more capital can be got from 
Europe, till the United States acknowledge their just 
and lawful debts. 

We shall now notice the agitated question of the 
protective system of duties by tariff. The Home 
League Memorial says, "The entire want of recipro- 
city in the policy of the nations of Europe, the selfish- 
ness, which seems an element of humanity, perhaps to 



HOME LEAGUE. 1^9 

stimulate the species in the progress of civilization, and 
which obliges them to force upon us their surplus man- 
ufactures, while they refuse to receive in exchange our 
less profitable raw material, compels us to act on the 
defensive," &c. In the Tribune of January 7, a Gen. 
Dickerson is represented as saying at a public meeting 
of iron manufacturers, in New Jersey, that England had 
her ports closed " against our beef, pork and flour. All 
we ask," says he, " is reciprocity. If England will 
close her ports against our produce ; let us retaliate 
by levying such duties on her manufactured articles, as 
will make a home market at our own manufactories, 
for the produce which she refuses." Such speeches as 
this we are for ever hearing, in opposition to the de- 
monstration of figures, and plainness of arithmetic, and 
the evidence of official documents. 

We have already settled the question of gold, and 
shown that a great amount of the precious metals has 
been imported within the last few years from Europe, 
and we may add that a sufficiency of gold to supply 
the tear and wear of the currency, is received from the 
emigrants from Europe, and the mines of the United 
States alone, two sources not previously taken into 
account in our calculation. Public men go different 
lengths in demanding protection for domestic manufac- 
tures. The Home League demands, in one word, that 
they shall have the home trade to themselves, without 
interference from abroad. This is plain and candid, at 
least. We wonder what amount of duty will suit the 
League ? 

12* 



130 AMERICAN SYSTEM. 

Foreign cotton-goods have been groaning under du- 
ties, varying from 50 to 100 per cent, and yet they 
have been imported. Woollen-goods under 50 per 
cent, duty, and yet they have been imported. A ^ro- 
hibition would be best — but then what will be done for 
revenue ? Direct taxation is the best, and cheapest 
mode of raising a revenue ; but then the people won't 
submit to it. They prefer having their money more 
dexterously taken from their pockets. Duties, heavy 
duties, it is now demanded, shall be laid on — 50 per 
cent, has been mentioned. 

It has often been shown, that to bolster up certain 
branches of industry, is just equivalent to laying a tax 
on the mass of the community, to favor the protected 
class. We cannot do better than make the following 
quotation from McCulloch's Dictionary on the subject, 
page 848 : — " The exploded sophisms of the mercan- 
tile system, though renounced by every statesman in 
Europe, acquired a serious influence in Congress, and 
were put forth with as much confidence, as if their 
soundness neither had been, nor could be questioned. 
From 1816 down to 1832, the object of the American 
Legislature was to bolster up a manufacturing interest, 
by imposing oppressive duties on most manufactured 
articles, imported from abroad. Now it is obvious, 
even had the articles produced in America, through 
the agency of this plan, been as cheap as those they 
superseded, that nothing would have been gained by 
it; for, to whatever extent the importation of foreign 



AMERICAN SYSTEM. 131 

articles may be diminished, there must be a correspond- 
ing diminution in the exportation of native American 
products ; so that the only result ^vould have been, the 
raising up of one species of industry, at the expense 
of some other species entitled to an equality of protec- 
tion. 

" But the ' American system' was not so innocuous. 
Instead of the goods manufactured in the States being 
as cheap as similar ones manufactured in Europe, they 
were admitted to be at an average from 50 to 100 per 
cent, dearer. The extent of the pecuniary sacrifice 
that has been thus imposed on the Union, has been va- 
riously estimated by American writers; but we have 
been assured by those who have the best means of 
knowing, that it may be moderately estimated at from 
£11,000,000 to Je 13,000,000, (sterhng) ; and this im- 
mense burden, a burden nearly three times as great as 
the whole public expenditure of the Republic, was in- 
curred for no purpose of public utility, and was produc- 
tive of nothing but mischief. 

" The w^hole effect of the scheme was to divert a cer- 
tain amount of the national capital from the produc- 
tion of cotton, wheat, rice, tobacco, &C.5 the equivalents 
sent to foreigners in payment of manufactured goods, 
to the direct production of those goods themselves, and 
as the latter species of industry is more suitable for 
America, a tax of £13,000,000 a year was imposed 
on the Union, that the manufacturers might be enabled 
to carry on a losing business. We leave it to others 



132 MR. clay's bill. 

to determine, whether the absurdity of the system, or 
its costhness, be its most prominent feature. That its 
influence was not more injurious, is solely owing to the 
smuggling it occasioned. With a frontier like that of 
America, and with a half or more of the population 
hostile to the tariff, -it would have been worse than ab- | 
surd to suppose it could have been carried into full ef- 
fect. But it had enough of influence to render it in 
the last degree prejudicial — to occasion a great rise in ; 
the price of many important articles — to cripple the 
trade and navigation of the country, and to throw a 
considerable part of it into the hands of foreigners, 
who carried it on, in defiance of the law." 

Mr. McC. then alludes to Mr. Clay's Bill, and that 
of 1832, and says, that these judicious acts restored 
tranquility, and there can be no doubt that they have , 
been highly beneficial to the country. 

The greatest efforts are now making to raise i 
the duties fixed by that Bill. We have alrea- \ 
dy given some of the arguments employed to eflfect 
this purpose. The Home League says that the I 
two hundred millions of goods imported by for- 
eigners would have been manufactured at home. ; 
Now, we ask where were the means of manufacturing j 
them at home 1 The goods were not forced on the ! 
country. The operation began on this side. America i 
wanted to make railroads, and to set banks in opera- ; 
tion. She had not the means of doing so. She sent 
abroad for the money. The demand for goods grew i 



REPUDIATION. 133 

out of these stock operations. Britain could not sup- 
ply the loans required in gold and silver, as she has 
not much bej-ond that amount in her possession. She 
could only supply the wants of her transatlantic off- 
spring, in articles suitable for their market. These ar- 
ticles formed the means for balancing the account be- 
tween Britain and America, which she otherwise could 
not have done. 

How could America have manufactured these goods, 
or any portion of them 1 Her laboring population was 
otherwise employed. Surely it will not be contended 
that if left to themselves, by foreigners, they could 
have done double work. And if their industry had 
been directed into other channels, some more appro- 
priate pursuits must have been left unattended to. 
But more is wanted than labor; raw materials and 
credit are wanted, to set manufactures a-going. A con- 
siderable part of the first, America has not, and must 
have brought from abroad ; and of the second she is 
very deficient, as all new countries necessarily are. 
And now she turns round and says : How cruel you 
are, imposing a burden on me equal to ten millions, of 
annual taxation. Just as a man who has borrowed 
ten thousand dollars from a friend, to enable him to 
improve his estate, should turn on him and say — " You 
heartless fellow, how have you the assurance to come 
to me for your interest ? I have not made what I ex- 
pected of my improvements. "Wheat and cotton have 
not risen in price so much as I calculated on. This 



134 



BRITISH AND AMERICAN TARIFF. 



i 

result may come some day, but it is very hard for me 'J 
to be annoyed by a fellow who has brought me into 
such a scrape, by giving me so much money. I am 
determined to keep my estate, and never pay you one 
cent." 

These are the doctrines that the Governor McNutts, 
and some of the Home Leagues are promulgating in t 
the face of the world, without a blush ! But the | 
friends of a high tariff are willing to concede to their ; 
opponents, provided reciprocity be introduced. Some ! 
may be sincere in this, but those who w^ant50 per cent, 
duties, or an entire monopoly of the home market, can- j 
not be sincere. Gen. Tallmadge says, " every article ^ 
of American manufacture is met by prohibitory duties." j 
Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, in a very business-like ; 
speech in Congress, accuses Britain of taxing Ameri- 
can fish and oil, and letting her own colonies and ships ] 
import these articles free. ■ 

Before noticing these and other statements, we in- \ 
sert a list of a variety of leading articles, with the im- 
port duties in the two countries : \ 



Wheat, 

Oats, 

Other kinds grain, 

Cheese, 

Butter, 

Beef, 

Pork, 



Duties in U. States. Duties in G. Britain. 
25 cts. per bushel, from. 1 to 3 7-8 per qr. 
10 cts. per bushel, 6s.3d. to 19s.9d. pr qr* 



20 per cent., 
9 cents per lb. 
5 cents per lb. 

2 cents per lb. 

3 cents per lb. 



various. 
2 1-4 cents. 
4 2-7 cents. 

2 2-5 cents. 

3 2-5 cents. 



BRITISH AND AMERICAN TARIFF. 135 

Duties in U. States. Duties in G. Britain. 
Salt, 10 cents per 6 lb. free. 

Fish, 20 per cent., 5s on 120, being 

about 10 per cent. 
Oil per ton, $37 80, £26 10. 

Cotton, wool, 3 cents per lb. 5-16 of a penny per lb. 

Cotton-goods, 30 to 50 perct., 10 per cent. 

Cotton-goods made up, 29 per cent. 20 per cent. 

Woollen-goods, 29 per cent. 15 per cent. 

Ready made woollens, 29 per cent., 20 per cent. 

We must now notice Mr. Hudson's statement. He 
complains that Britain has taxed fish and oil, when im- 
ported by foreigners, and let her own go free. And 
yet this is the very thing done in America. The duty 
imposed by America on oil is not so great as in Britain, 
where it is unnecessarily high, but both have the same 
object, viz. to shut out foreign competition. The 
American duty is sufficiently large to effect that pur- 
pose. The duty on fish from abroad in the United 
States is 20 per cent., and for all their own States, free. 
The duty on stock fish in Britain, which includes most 
kinds of dried fish, is only 5s. per 120 — which will 
not amount to 10 per cent. 

The duty on bread stuffs we have already fully dis- 
cussed, and can only again express our regret that 
they are not entirely removed, or altered to a fixed 
scale not exceeding the duties leviable in this country. 
Cheese pays four times the duty in America, that it 
does in Britain. It is frankly acknowledged, that if 
the duty were taken off or reduced, foreign cheese 



136 DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 

would be imported to a large extent ; and even with 
the present heavy duty, it is still an article of imports 
The assertion about beef and pork being shut out by 
the English duties, is best answered by the fact that 
the beef duty is two-fifths of a cent less in America 
than in Britain, and the pork duty three-fifths more. 

Butter, a most important article, is admitted on a 
lower duty in England than in this country. Salt, the 
poor man's necessary, which it has ever been held most 
unjust to tax, is free in Britain, although taxed 10 
cents per 6 lb. in the United States, besides paying heavy 
duties to State Governments. Great complaints are 
made of the British tax on rice. It is a chief article 
of import from the East Indies, and Britain admits it 
at one shilling per cwt. from that quarter, while it 
levies 15s. from other countries. This very heavy duty 
ought to be reduced, and we have no doubt that it will. 
It is too hard, however, to be told at the same time, 
that Britain oppresses India with heavy duties on her 
commodities. 

We are told by Gen. T., that Britain raises a reve- 
nue of $30,000,000 on tobacco. Here we must ap- 
peal again to figures. The total revenue of Britain 
from tobacco and snuff, including expense of collection, 
was on an average for the years 1836, '37, and '38, 
£3,458,894, or seventeen millions two hundred and 
ninety-four thousand four hundred and seventy dollars,. 
If the gallant General was to make as wide a mistake 
in calculating the force of his army, with an enemy in 



DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 137 

tVont, supposing he had thirty thousand men, when he 
had only seventeen thousand, he might find himself 
rather at fault. The tobacco duty, although very 
heavy, is not directed against the United States, as 
nearly the whole tobacco consumed in Britain is receiv- 
ed from that country. It is purely a matter of revenue, 
and it is impossible to conceive one less objectionable, 
Britain cannot do without this revenue. She has the 
interest of her debt to pay. We are farther told 
■' that every article of American manufacture is exclud- 
ed" in Britain. Now we ask what are the chief arti- 
cles of American manufacture ? Certainly, cotton and 
woollen. Now all articles made from cotton are ad- 
mitted into Britain on a ten per cent, duty, although 
she has to bring all the raw material from abroad ; while 
in America the duties still are from 30 to 50 per cent, 
and have till veiy lately been nearly double, and are not 
proposed to be reduced below 20 per cent. Woollen 
goods are admitted in Britain on 15 per cent., while in 
America, they are charged with 29 per cent., and were 
recently 50 per cent., and are not proposed to be re- 
duced below 20 per cent. 

Ready made articles of either cotton or wool, pay 
20 per cent, in Britain, 29 per cent, here, and were 
lately charged 50 per cent. These low duties on for- 
eign manufactures have existed in Britain since 1834, 
and we ask any candid person to say, who shows the 
most desire for reciprocity 1 Whatever is objectionable 
in the British tariff, we have no doubt will be given up, 
13 



13& PROTECTION, 

but there is far more to do on the American side, unless 
Mr. Clay's Bill is quietly allowed to go into operation, 
which is not now likely to happen. 

But some deny the advantage of reciprocity- — Mr. 
Hudson, among others. This gentleman's name is new 
in public, but the calm and temperate style in which 
he discusses his subject is creditable to him, and affords 
fair promise of usefulness to his country. His argu- 
ments, however, in our opinion, are drawn from errone- 
ous premises. He goes at great length to show that 
the reductions which have taken place in the price of 
hardware have been owing to the protective system, 
comparing the high prices of 1816, just at the close of 
the war, with the present rates. 

No man who can either recollect as far back as that 
period, or has read the history of the times, can be ig- 
norant that it was the reduction in the value of the raw 
material, the improvement of mechanical skill, with a 
large reduction of wages, which effected the great 
change in the price of hardware. No man ought to 
be ignorant, that the reduction came from England, and 
that the prices here were lowered not in consequence^ 
but in spite of the protective system. The same thing 
is applicable to cotton goods, the great reductions on 
which have been brought about from precisely the 
same causes. And we may remark, that most of the 
articles referred to, as made in this country, are done 
by English workmen or under their superintendence. 

Mr, Hudson winds up his speech, with what he evi- 



PROTECTION. 139 

dently considers a conclusive argument in favor of protec- 
tion, and which we shall now quote from the Tribune of 
January 19. " An article now free of duty is selling in 
our market for $ 1 20 ; the elements which make up this 
price are these : cost in foreign markets $ J , cost of im- 
portation 10 cents, importer's profit 10 cents, making 
$ 1 20. At this price the article can be manufactured in 
this country. Now, let one of our citizens go into the 
manufacture of this article, and what would be the result ? 
Why, the foreign manufacturer, who has heretofore en- 
joyed the monopoly of our market, and who is enjoying 
large profits, will immediately put the article at 90 cents 
to the American importer, this being the cost of the arti- 
cle. He will willingly forego all profits for the time 
being, for the purpose of crushing the infant establish- 
ments of this country ; and the importer will give one 
half of his profits rather than lose this portion of his 
business. This will reduce the price of this article 15 
cents, bringing it down to $ 1 05. The American man- 
facturer immediately finds the article in the market, at 
this reduced price, which is in fact less than he can 
manufacture the article for. He must therefore aban- 
don his business, give up his establishment at a great 
sacrifice, and yield the market to the foreign manufac- 
turer, who finding his new rival destroyed, will imme- 
diately demand the old price, and put his article at 
$1 ; and the consumer in this country will be com- 
pelled to pay $1 20, or perhaps $1 25, to make up the 
loss, which the importer and foreign manufacturer sus- 
tained during the period of competition. 



140 PROTECTION. 

" This is the result when the article is free of duty. 
Now we will take the same article at the same price, 
both in Europe and America, with protective duties. 
This added to the former price, $1 20, would bring the 
article to $1 35. The foreign manufacturer fears that 
he will lose the American market, and consequently, to 
prevent a surplus in his own market, and to create a 
surplus here, he will at once put his article at cost, 90 
cents ; the importer will forego half his profits, and 
take off 5 cents, which will bring the article down to 
$1 20 — the very price which the article brought before 
the duty was imposed. In the meantime, the Ameri- 
can manufacturer produces the article, which he can 
sell for the same price. Here, then, the manufacturer 
is protected, and the consumer has no additional price 
to pay. The importation will not be materially checked : 
and this with the domestic production will create a sur- 
plus, which will tend to a reduction of the price — a 
sharp competition will ensue, and necessity, that mo- 
ther of invention, will bring out improvements in ma- 
chinery, so that the article can be produced at a cheap 
rate. The skill also which is acquired will enable the 
manufacturer to turn off the article at less expense, and 
so afford it to the consumer at a reduced price. Thus, 
Sir, will discriminating duties protect the manufacturer, 
and at the same time cheapen the article. Is it not so ? 
Does not experience justify this position ? Without a 
duty, the foreign manufacturer sells at the maximum 
price; with the duty, he sells at the minimum— with- 



PROTECTION PERNICIOUS. Hi 

out the duty he couki probably reduce his price to de- 
stroy our manufacturer ; loith the duty^ he must come 
down to the lowest price to compete with him." 

The reasoning drawn from this case we conceive ut- 
terly fallacious. It is first assumed that a person will 
commence manufacturing an article, for which he can- 
not get more than the cash price, for $1 20 must be 
intended to mean the domestic manufacturer's cost. 
Will any prudent man begin to manufacture, when 
there is no profit to be made, even on the best showing 
of the case, and where he runs the risk of a reduction 
being made from the foreign manufacturer's profit by 
which he will incur an absolute loss ? We think not. 
But will there not be competition enough among the 
foreiofn manufacturers ? There is no branch of trade of 
any consequence, where the supply is in one, or even in 
few hands — such is the rivalry in business, that two 
persons were scarcely ever known to unite in their op- 
erations. 

Mr. Hudson seems to have taken his idea rather 
from two steamboat companies, than from the exten- 
sive body of foreign manufacturers, who have as many 
shades in their views, their resources, and their situa- 
tions, as there are colors in their cloths. But suppos- 
ing such a competition as he supports to commence, 
and the foreign manufacturer to reduce his price for a 
time to $ 1 05, this country has the 15 per cent, benefit, 
while it lasts, being the difference between that, and 

the usual price. And in the other case, with a duty 
13* 



242 PROTECTION PERNICIOUS. 1 

of 15 cents, the minimum price is then reduced to 
|1 20, and the chance of a reduction to $1 05 for 
ever gone. 

But that is not all. $1 20 is the home maker's cost 
price, and he cannot sell at cost — no more than the 
foreign manufacturer. The moment one retires from 
the field, which must be the issue, the price advances, 
say to $1 35, and thus the duty is made to tell with 
its full effect. There is no escape from this con- 
clusion. When a manufacturer finds that the price of 
an article is brought so low, as not to yield him a pro- 
fit, he will abandon the trade. If he has a stock on 
hand, he will sell it off at the highest price he can get, 
and make some other kind of goods that will yield him 
a profit. He may delay this for some time in the hope 
of a change. But the principle is invariable, that no 
man remains permanently in a business, which does 
not yield him a profit. 

Mr. Hudson says that competition and over-supply 
will produce a reduction in price. But these are to- 
tally different causes, and they will operate with or 
without duties. Indeed it is well known, that foreign 
competition and a reduction of price are not the objects 
the high tariff men have in view, but to stop the im- 
portation of foreign goods, and keep up the price of 
domestic manufactures. That high duties have this 
effect, and will have it in the very case we have now 
noticed, cannot admit of a doubt. If the giving of 
protection be the best means of reducing the price, as 



PROTECTION PERNICIOUS. HS 

Mr. Hudson asserts, then the outcry raised against the 
British Corn Laws must be totally groundless, as the 
ample protection given to the home grower must go 
to lower the price, and not to raise it. 

Mr. H. takes up very erroneous ground in supposing 
that there is no competition, even when an article is 
confined to the foreign manufacture. Every business 
man knows this to be directly the reverse. The capi- 
tal in Europe is so abundant as to introduce competi- 
tion wherever a business is yielding a fair profit. He 
talks of the foreign manufacturer getting high profits, 
at the same time only estimating an advance of 10 on 
90 cents. We do not think this a high profit, with all 
the risk attending the operations of business ;— no man 
would embark his capital in this country in manufac- 
turing, without the prospect of a better profit. He 
talks of a maximum and minimum profit. No person 
sells on a minimum — it is always on a maximum profit, 
and the buyer the reverse — i. e. both wish to make the 
best bargain the market affords. The profit is tempo- 
rarily affected by the supply and demand, and perma- 
nently regulated by the cost of production. 

And what is the effect of this banishing of foreign 
goods to end in ? It just prevents domestic produce 
or manufactures, to the same amount, from being sent 
abroad. This is the sole result, excepting the loss of 
money which the community has paid to the individ- 
uals, in the shape of a bounty on their manufactures. 
A hundred hands have been drawn from a business 



144 BEET MANUFACTURE. 

which was yielding a profit, to one which would have 
yielded nothing without a protecting duty, and which 
must ever be liable to be destroyed by contraband trade, 
or a return to a sound system. A new manufactory 
may be set a-going, but another has been stopt, and a 
ship laid idle. 

We have been led away by the ag,'itated question of 
the Tariff, to neglect our more proper object, viz. Mr. 
Lester. We now return to him. 

In vol. 2, page 265, he asserts that it was the restric- 
tive system of Britain which suggested to France the 
manufacture of sugar from beet root. Here our au- 
thor's hatred of Britain is again made to illustrate his 
ignorance. The manufacture of beet root was com- 
menced in France in Napoleon Bonaparte's reign. His 
great object at the time was to ruin Britain by shutting 
her out from all trade with the Continent of Europe, 
which was then entirely under his control. All the 
West Indian Islands were in possession of Britain, ex- 
cept Cuba and Hayti — and Cuba was at war with 
him — of course sugar was almost a prohibited article. 
So strict was his serveillance, and so great his hatred 
of Britain, that considerable quantities of produce and 
manufactured goods brought from that country, were 
burnt by order of the tyrant. The effect was, of course, 
similar to the Irishman's attempt to ruin the obnoxious 
banker by burning all his bills, which he could get into 
his possession. 



BRITAIN AND FRANCE. 145 

The French people could not do without sugar. 
The price rose in Paris to five or six times its usual 
amount, and the beet manufacture was commenced 
from necessity. When the Bourbons had their West 
India possessions restored to them at the peace of 1814, 
they laid high duties both on their own West India su- 
gars, and on those of foreign growth, in order to en- 
courage the beet manufacture. These facts are suffi- 
ciently known, but they could not prevent this new 
aspersion of England. The British ministry has for 
some years been unwearied in their endeavours with 
the French Government, to break down that system of 
non-intercourse, which has existed for ages between 
the two most important countries in the world. They 
set them the example some years ago, by reducing the 
duties on French wines one half, and placing them on 
the same footing with the wines of Spain and Portu- 
gal. It is beheved that the people of France are be- 
ginning to find the great advantage of a more intimate 
and extensive traffic with their nearest neighbor, and 
that the time is not far distant when a more extensive 
commerce will be carried on between these two na- 
tions, than has ever existed between two countries. 

How cordially is it to be wished, that all rivalry and 
jealousy should cease, excepting the unavoidable oppo- 
sition which a free trade will naturally give rise to. 
Instead of grudging a profit of ten per cent, to our 
neighbors, on an article, that they can furnish on lower 
terms than ourselves, ought we not rather to rejoice 



146 BENEFITS OF FREE TRADE. 

that they get that profit, and that we are able to payv 
it. The principles of trade render it absolutely certain 
that we shall gain as much ourselves, by the opera- 
tion, as we shall balance the account by selHng goods- 
with at least an equal profit, and thus both parties will 1 
have their capital, and their comforts increased. 

The most important effect of free trade is its moral 1 
influence. Nations from old habits have antipathies to 4 
each other. No two countries have carried that feel-* 
ing to a greater extent than France and England, j 
Matural enemy used to be a complimentary phrase in ^ 
Britain, when speaking of France. All that feeling is 
at an end. They view the French now, as friends \ 
and neighbors. The same feeling exists very generally 
towards the United States, and it would have been 
universal by this time, but for the quarrels and heart- , 
burnings which has arisen of late years, and which we > 
have no hesitation in saying, have not been occasioned | 
by the British people or government. i 

A more unrestricted intercourse, would remove all ! 
this also. Were this intercourse universal, mankind 
would be like the children of one family, whose interests ; 
were inseparably united. Their tempers might be differ- 
ent, but they could not afford to quarrel, as their interests \ 
were inseparable. Protection is a cold and heartless I 
system. Carried to its legitimate extent it would ; 
draw a line of separation between every state in the 
Union. Massachusetts might complain of New York, j 
that she was beginning to rival her in cotton manufac- 



RESTRICTIONS PERNICIOUS. 147 

tures, and insist on a duty being laid on, to shut out : 

all conipetition and let her have the whole supply of ! 

her home market. Rhode Island, in like manner, ■, 

might attack Connecticut. There is no end to the de- ! 

mands of protection. In former times it enacted sump- \ 

tuary laws, and fenced the mercantile community round ' 
with restrictions, pains, and penalties. 

The system of bounties is not yet quite extinct, and ' 

m some close burghs, of the old world, the sound of the ; 
workman's hammer can only proceed from a burgess 

or freeman of the city, while his equally industrious i 

neighbor, who lives only half a mile off, is not allowed \ 

to practice his calling, within the charmed circle. The , 

protectionists may struggle to delay that close union, ^1 
which will unite the human family into one society, 
holding the same high and holy principles, but they 

may as well attempt to roll back the coming tide, or \ 
stop the motion of the earth. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

VICE IN ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES, 

We begin with a tale of vice and misery, in vol. So^ 
page 137, M^hicli the author says, fell under his own 
observation. 

Many may think, after the exposure already given, 
it is unnecessary to enter fully into this new romance ; 
but we conceive that the cause of truth, which has 
been so violated, calls for a full examination of this 
matter. 

Our author is in London. He leaves Lord 's 

at midnight, enters an omnibus at Apsley House, at 
the corner of Hyde Park ; a thick fog hung over Lon- 
don, and a storm seemed to be coming on. " By the 
light of a neighboring lamp, I perceived a lady in the 
omnibus, who was not only unattended, but there was 
no other person in the carriage. Her face, on which 
the lamp shown brightly, was as pale as marble ; but 
her features were beautiful," (of course.) 

" She was dressed as superbly as though she had just 
come from from a ball at Almack's. There was a look 
of deep distress on her countenance, such a look as 
we never forget after it is once seen ; the large blue 
veins swelled out, as if ready to burst." 



MARVELLOUS ADVENTURE. 149 

She becomes a character on the spot, from which 
some new charge might be brought against England. 
He ventures to ask, if he could render any service to 
her in a ride at that late hour. She replies, " Oh no ! 
Sir, whoever you are, for God's sake, do not speak 
to me ; I only want to die ; you can't help me now." 
'' As she uttered these words, she burst into tears. We 
rode on in silence, broken at intervals, by her sobs and 
sighs." He goes on to St. Paul's, but instead of leav- 
ing the omnibus then, as he ought to have done, he 
proceeds to the Bank, where he leaves the omnibus, in 
company with the lady, who has at last agreed to 
accept his assistance. The lady is received by our hero 
with one arm, and her new horn infant with the other. 

The child's only swaddling clothes are a Cashmere 
shawl. " The omnibus drove on, and not a human 
being was in sight. Near by was a flight of steps, 
upon which she was scarcely seated, when she fainted 
away. There was no lamp near us ; it was past one 
o'clock ; the rain had begun to fall heavily upon the 
pavement, and save the feeble cry of the child in my 
arms, and the distant rumbhng of the omnibus, no 
sound was lieard." 

The streets, as our author passes from Hyde Park 
corner, are said to be nearly silent and deserted, par- 
ticularly the leading streets. Our author himself, whose 
memory is treacherous, mentions that when he entered 
London, late at night, he took bye streets to avoid the 
throng, p. 14, vol. 1. At all hours are there numbers 
14. 



150 MARVELLOUS ADVENTURE. 

of people in the Strand, Fleet street, Cheapside, and 
on to the Bank. This line is one of the main arteries 
of the immense congregation of human beings in Lon- 
don, and the necessary and urgent calls arising from busi- 
ness, sickness, or other causes, must at all hours set in 
motion many of the two millions of inhabitants. If to 
this be added, those returning from parties, and those who 
are of irregular habits, we shall not be surprised, that the 
streets are never deserted. Even in New York, with a 
population of one sixth, Broadway and other main streets 
are never deserted. As to no lamp being near the Bank 
of England, nothing can be farther from the truth. 
It is one of the best lighted places of a well-lighted city. 

Our hero calls for a policeman, who wraps the 
child in the cape of his water-proof cloak. Mr. Lester 
inquires for a boarding-house. The policeman takes 
him to a house near the Thames, and there he leaves 
the lady, and pays a week's board for her. 

He then asks the policeman " who she may be." 
He replies, ^' there is no knowing, of course, certainly; 
but I doubt not, she has moved in fashionable life. 
Did you see how she was dressed, and how she spoke ; 
why, you can tell a lady from the West End, only by 
hearing her speak once. Why I suppose she has been 
ruine,d by some heartless fellow in Regent street. 
There are thousands of girls who are ; and then they 
come to the East end, and die of neglect and privation. 
From one extreme to the other — that is the way with 
the London world. For my part, I am satisfied with 
the lot of a policeman." 



MARVELLOUS ADVENTURE. 151 

How singularly fortunate Mr, Lester is, in meeting 
with people who generalize without ceremony or dis- 
crimination, upon the evils of the country. The " Lon- 
don world" is gravely charged as involved in these 
practices, from one end to the other. This matter is 
overdone as usual, and the romance exposed. But the 
most extraordinary part is yet untold. He draws a 
petition for the lady, addressed " to the City of London 
Lying-in Hospital, City Road, or any other London 
charity." " By means of these exertions, this unfor- 
tunate mother received assistance ; but the child died 
the night she came from the West End." 

Now we appeal to every person acquainted with 
London, or English manners and feelings, whether this 
disgusting story has one vestige of truth in it. That 
London, like all large cities, has many women of bad 
character is v/ell known ; that our Rev. author may 
have met some of them may be true ; that he may 
have remained in their company for some time, may 
also be true ; but we aver, that the story here given, 
contains internal evidence of its being utterly un- 
founded. 

His statements of the gloom and darkness of a night 
in June, when there is scarcely any darkness at all in 
that season ; that the streets were silent and deserted, 
when the leading thoroughfares are crowded ; that a 
lady, dressed as if she had come from Almack's, was 
just delivered of a child, for the child had no covering 
but a Cashmere shawl; that she was a West End 



152 MARVELLOUS ADVENTURE. 

lady, having not only the dress, but the speech and 
bearing of a lady of fashion and education; that such 
a person should not have one friend to accompany her 1 
on such an occasion ; all these statements are alike 
incredible and absurd. 

That such a person would allow a stranger to attend 
to her, and to pay a boarding-house for her, and at 
last to put her in a lying-in hospital, after her child 
was dead, is equally ridiculous. Why, a lady dressed 
as if she had been at Almack's, would have as many 
jewels and valuables about her as would have kept her \ 
for a twelve-month at least. Of course, concealment i 
would have been her object, and to accomplish this 
she goes into a lying-in hospital ! The author has go, 
hold of the City Road address, where there is an insti- i 
tution of that kind, to give the better color to his . 
story. ; 

The policeman talks of thousands of such girls being ' 
ruined by such heartless fellows in Regent street 
Here is another name got hold of — why is Regent 
street any worse than its hundreds of neighbors. That 
there are many females seduced and ruined by the vil- : 
lainy of the other sex, is a melancholy fact ; but then, 
this is a lady of fashion, a West End lady, of a class 
far from numerous, who do not go by thousands to j 
perish at the East end of the city. If such an un- i 
happy event had occurred, in a family of that descrip- 
tion, the first object, we repeat, would be concealment, 
both on account of the victim, and her family. 



MR. LESTER THANKFUL. 153 

If the author of this work had really met such a case, 
and wanted to act the good Samaritan, as he always 
professes to do, he would have seen the unfortunate 
person fairly settled for the night, and then have open- 
ed up a communication with her family, to effect a re- 
conciliation, or at least to have her provided for, so as 
to stop her downward career ; but such a termination 
would have thrown a ray of light into that dark pic- 
ture he was determined to present of England's shame. 

How Mr. Stevenson, the late ambassador, would 
stare, if he ever reads Mr. Lester's book, when he is 
told that a London lady of fashion went into a lying- 
in hospital ! We think our author, from his inventive 
powers, in which he will be wonderfully assisted by 
the sharpness of his eyes in seeing blue veins by lamp 
light, should try his hand at works of romance, but he 
must bring them nearer to the truth, or they won't be 
sold. 

In vol. 2, page 259, our author makes the following 
statement. " Hear the words of another Briton, and 
let Americans read the contrast between his country 
and their own, and let them fall on their knees, and 
thank God for the thousandth time, that they are 
Americans.* In America, you may travel a thousand 
miles, taking the towns in your way, without meeting 
with a single prostitute." 

* This reminds us of an occurrence in the General Assembly 
of the Scotch Church, about half a century ago, as narrated to us 
by a Scotch friend. Henry Dundas, then Lord Advocate, and 
14* 



154 VICE IN EVERY COUNTRY. 

If this statement was intended for foreign countries 
merely, its object might be perceived, but to put it 
forth in the United States, is a gross insult to the under- 
standing and moral perceptions of his countrymen. 
Would to God it were true. But does not every per- 
son know, that there are hundreds of that unfortunate 
class in every considerable town or city in the Union ? 
Do not the newspapers abound with reports of cases of 
keepers of disorderly houses being daily brought be- 
fore the magistrates ? Is it not notorious that the vice 
in question exists here, and throughout the country, to 
a great extent. We make not this statement from a 
wish to place this country in a worse position than 
others. But does not every one who has looked be- 
low the very surface of society, know our assertion to 
be true ? Does the author of this work never reflect 
that the eye of the omniscient God sees through these 
false and disgusting statements, and that to flatter his 
countrymen, and sell his calumnious work, he is rush- 
ng on the thick bosses of the Almighty's buckler ? 
Does he not know the wo denounced against the 
watchman who cries peace, peace, when there is no 
peace? The extent of vice and wickedness which 

afterwards Lord Melville, upon occasion of the annual motion for 
the abolition of church patronage, made a flaming speech in favor 
of patronage, and concluded by a solemn declaration, " that every 
morning he rose, he returned thanks to God for the existence of 
patronage." A venerable old divine rose from the gallery, and 
in broad Scotch, sung out, «Eh, moderAtor, he maun be Vipeeoua 
(pious) lad that, for he's thankfu' for sma' mercies." 



VICE AND CRIME IN NEW YORK, 155 

exists in all countries, can never be known till that day, 
when the secrets of all hearts shall be laid open before 
an assembled world. 

As far as human law, or the exertions of benevolent 
institutions or individuals, can check the progress of 
vice in Britain, much is done — more, certainly, than in 
any other country. That there is any thing in the 
laws or institutions of the country to encourage acts of 
vice, is utterly without foundation. 

In addition to all his other allegations against Bri- 
tain, our author has, in vol. 2, page 255, given the 
particulars of a case (real or otherwise) of the expo- 
sure of a newly-born child, in a manufacturing city. 

He has gravely charged this evil to the account of 
the corn laws, as if such lamentable occurrences w^ere 
not too often taking place in every community. 

While our attention was called to this subject, we 
took up the New York Tribune of 28th December, and 
observed in that single paper, reports of the following 
cases: — 1st. Sally Ann Bond, charged with the murder 
of her new-born child " by strangling and choking it.'' 
2d. The case of Sophia Pothart, for arson in the first 
degree, she being accused of setting fire to a house in 
Leonard street. 3d. The case of Colt, for the murder 
of Mr. Adams. 4th. Notice of a respite of execution of 
Thomas S. Shuster, convicted of shooting his wife 
through the heart. 5th. Two cases of theft before the 
inferior court. 6th. Three Coroner's inquests, the 
deaths in two of the cases, occasioned by intemperate 
habits. 



156 JUDICIAL SQUABBLES. 

We also add two other cases, as follows. The first 
is entitled " The bench and bar disgraced." The St> 
Louis papers of the 14th instant, mention a half ludi- 
crous, and wholly contemptible scene, which occurred 
in the Circuit Court of that city. It seems that the 
Judge, Mullanphy, ordered a lawyer named Risque, to 
sit down, which he refused to do, saying that he pre- 
ferred to stand. The judge then ordered a fine of $50 
to be entered against him, and commanded Mr. Risque 
again to sit down, which he again declined. The 
judge ordered another fine of $50 to be entered against 
him, and directed the sheriff to remove him from the 
court-house. The deputy attempted it, but did no 
succeed, Mr. R. walking out at his leisure after the 
sheriff had desisted. The judge then directed an order 
to be entered against Mr. Risque, to show cause why 
he should not be struck from the roll. The next 
morning, they chanced to meet in the street, when Mr. 
Risque aimed a blow at the judge, which knocked of! 
his spectacles and his hat; the judge then drew a 
sword from his cane, and the lawyer a pistol from his 
pocket, and just as they were rushing on to the mutual 
assault, the marshal interposed, and commanded a ces- 
sation of hostilities. There it rests." 

The second article is as follows : '^ A discreditable 
judical squabble took place at the opening of the De- 
cember term of the Court at Holly Springs, Miss., be- 
tween an old judge and one recently elected, the for- 
mer contending that there was po vacancy, and the 



JUDICIAL SQUABBLES. 157 

election of the latter was illegal. Each judge appeared, 
took Iiis seat, and undertook to control the business. 
After considerable trouble and confusion the court ad- 
journed, and the Supreme Court have to decide the mer- 
its of their claims." 

All these cases are contained in a daily paper, not 
of large size. We came on it accidentally, and our 
readers may from this specimen form a fair judgment of 
the state of morals in the United States. We make 
no charge against either government or people, on this 
account, as such crimes are committed every where. 
We except, however, the two judicial scenes, which are 
moderate specimens of what too often occurs in the 
Courts and Legislative Halls of the United States, 
scenes which never take place in any other country, 
but which belong to the peculiar institutions of the 
country, of which Mr. Lester is so vain. 



i 

CHAPTER iX, 

i 
EDUCATION IN BRITAIN AND UNITED STATES. \ 

Our author has made repeated attacks on England '■ 
for the ignorance of her people. We select the fol- 
lowing as a specimen. In vol. 1, p. 238, he says — ; 
'^ Show me a very learned man in England, and I will ! 
show you some thousands around him, who cannot read v 
the Bible, or write their names ;" and in p.239, " DiiFuse ' 
the wealth, the learning, the cultivation of the few^ in ^ 
England, over the mass of society, and it w^ould be pov- 
erty, ignorance and ill breeding, in comparison of the ; 
United States." ' j 

With regard to the ignorance, and ill breeding, we '■ 

are about to examine that part of the subject, but shall J 
merely notice, en passant, that if there is so much w^ealth 
in America, it is singular she can undertake nothing, of 

any consequence, without getting the means from Brit- ! 

ain. i 

As to DIFFUSING Wealth, we grant that they are good j 

at that in this country, and if old England had not put i 

a stop to diffusion, under the management of such pro- i 
licients as Mississippi, Indiana, and lUinois, she w^ould 
soon have had but httle left to diffuse. 



ENGLISH SCHOOLS. 359 

But to say nothing more of the absurd comparison 
about wealth, we shall merely quote Lester versus 
Lester, which will settle the question. In vol. 1, p. 14, 
he says, '• The wealth of London would well nigh 
purchase half the globe." Does he include the United 
States in the globe ? It cannot be. He must have 
shut it out, from the inconsistent statement he has given 
above. In that case, the United States must be able to 
purchase several globes. The whole of the solar pla- 
nets might be bought up by the diffused wealth of 
America, if a road could only be made, which the 
wealth and the ingenuity of the United States can 
doubtless accomplish. 

We notice first, the subject of general education in 
England, and at once admit, that it is a great reproach 
to her government, that till of late years, education 
received no aid from the national purse. The bounty of 
benevolent individuals in past ages, erected a great num- 
ber of public schools in England, and large funds were 
left for their support. With the assistance derived 
from this source, the vohmtary schools provided educa- 
tion for the great mass of the people, till within the 
last half century. Since then, the population has in- 
creased so rapidly, and so many have been crowded in- 
to manufacturing towns, that a vast number of children 
have grown up, entirely uneducated. This deplora- 
ble state of things was the means of bringing forward, 
to the aid of the rising generations, two extensive vol- 



160 ENGLISH EDUCATION. 

untary associations, which have sprung up since the 
commencement of the present century, viz : the Na- 
tional School Society, and the British and Foreign i 
School Society. The first of these bodies combines,, 
with education, religious instruction in the tenets of the; 
Established Church. The second gives no preference ! 
to any sect of Christianity. It appears from returns i 
made in 1833, that the number of children attending J 
daily schools of all kinds in England was, 1,275,947, i 
and attending Sabbath Schools, 1,548,000, the first 1 
class being 9 per cent, and the second, 11 per cent, of I 
the whole population. Since that time much progress ' 
has been made in education. In 1833, Parhament, for 
the first time, voted ^£20,000 for the support of public : 
schools. This grant, has been raised to .£30,000, * 
which sum is annually voted. It is divided between ; 
the two associations we have mentioned. This sum is ^ 
small, in comparison to the enormous expenditure of ! 
Britain. But much difficulty has been experienced 
from the intolerant, or half popish part of the Church 
of England, and we rejoice to see this most important ; 
subject at last taken up. £150,000 have already j 
been paid by Parliament, and about £300,000 within 
the same period, subscribed by individuals, and new \ 
school houses erected, capable of containing 250,000 
pupils. We think we may now safely state, from the 
rapid increase which has taken place within the last j 
few years, that the number of children attending school I 
in England and Wales, is two millions, being 13 1-3 ! 
per cent., taking the population at fifteen millions. 



EDUCATION IN UNITED STATES. 161 

In Scotland the system of Parochial Schools, and the 
general attention bestowed upon education, are univer- 
sally known, and that country is admitted to be inferioi 
to none both for the general and more finished educa- 
tion of its inhabitants. We have no returns of the 
whole number under instruction. 

We have looked into some of the recent returns in 
the United States, and find that New York stands high- 
est, giving a number equal to about 20 per cent, of the 
whole population attending school, and showing that 
those attending exceed the whole number of children in 
the state from five to sixteen years of age, which 
we think is proving rather too tnuch. In Massa- 
chusetts, under the recent impulse given to education, to 
which we will afterwards allude, 18 or 19 per cent, 
appear to be on the school rolls, and an average at- 
tendance of about 14 per cent, and in Pennsylvania, 
perhaps from 10 to 12 per cent., may receive instruction.* 

These are undoubtedly the states where education 
is most general, and if we take an average of the Un- 
ion, it will be found that not above 10 or 12 per cent, 
of the whole population is attending school. 

It appears from the latest returns, that half a million 
of white grown up inhabitants can neither read nor 
write. The far greater proportion of them is in the 

• The people of Conucciicut zro also said to be generally edu- 
cated . We doubt this. No well educated people would have allow- 
ed their Legislature to pass the Act of 1833, to be afterwards no- 
ticed. 

15 



162 EDUCATION IN UNITED STATES. 

slave states. North Carolina carries the broom in this 
interesting comparison, the non readers amount to one 
ninth of the whole population, or about one half of the 
whole grown up people. 

But it must be borne in mind that the time the 
American schools are open does not appear to ex- 
ceed from six to eight months per annum, say seven 
months ; while the English schools are open all the 
year, except a short vacation in autumn, rarely exceed- 
ing four weeks. So the amount of common education 
given in England must greatly exceed that of America. 
England is now exerting herself in this great field of 
usefulness, and a general system of education has also 
been introduced into Ireland, by the wisdom and patriot- 
ism of the whig ministers, which will soon make the 
greatest change on that country. 

It is surprising that in the present day any party 
should be found to throv/ obstacles in the way of gene- 
ral education, but such obstacles have been interposed 
in other countries besides Britain. This is strikingly 
exhibited in the recent history of Massachusetts. It 
appears that two centuries ago, laws were enacted in 
that state, providing that every child however poor, 
should have the important benefit of education. But 
no central power was appointed to keep the machinery 
in active operation. The Edinburgh Review, for July 
1841, says," it was assumed by the legislature that the 
dictates of self-interest would prompt the inhabitants 
to nominate the best qualified individuals, as members 



EDUCATION IN MASSACHUSETTS. 163 

of the school and prudential committees ; and that 
feelings of public duty and responsibility would induce 
the committees to execute their functions in the best 
manner." 

Yet under this system, we shall presently see, that 
education declined, and remedial measures became ab- 
solutely necessary. A general school fund was created 
in 1835, and a board of education for the whole state 
established in 1837. In 1838 reports were made 
by the board, in one of which it is stated, " The com- 
mon school system of Massachusetts has fallen into a 
state of general unsoundness and debility ; a great 
majority of the school-houses are not only ill-adapted 
to encourage mental effort, but in many cases are ab- 
solutely perilous to the health and symmetrical growth 
of the children, the schools are under a sleepy super- 
vision ; many of the most inteUigent and wealthy of 
our citizens are become estranged from their welfare ; 
and the teachers of their schools, although with very 
few exceptions, persons of estimable characters and 
great private worth, yet in the absence of all opportu- 
nity to qualify themselves for the performance of the 
most difficult and delicate task, vhich in the arrange- 
ments of Providence is committed to human hands, are 
necessarily, and therefore without fault of their own, 
deeply, and widely deficient in the indespensible pre- 
requisites for their office, viz. a knowledge of the human 
mind as the subject of improvement, and a knowledge 
of the means best adapted, wisely to unfold and direct 
its growing faculties." 



164« EDUCATION IN MASSACHUSETTS. 

Again the Reviewer observes, " This representation of 
the result of the administration, for two centuries, of 
the common schools, by the people themselves, with- 
out the aid of any controlling, advising or enlightening 
neutral power, is highly instructive. It show^s, that 
in conducting education, as in executing every other 
difficult and complicated process, the blind are not 
adequate successfully to lead the blind." The 
secretary of the new board, in reporting on the im- 
provements which have been effected, says, " A year 
ago in the town of Salem, the school-houses were 
without ventilation, and many of them with such seats 
as created vivid ideas of corporal punishment, and 
almost prompted me to ask, for what offence they had 
been condemned to them." 

Now here we have evidence of the most overwhelm- 
ing kind, of the unfitness of the teachers, of the inju- 
rious character of the school-houses, and of the total 
inadequacy of the system to accomplish the work of 
education, and all this under the sole supervision of the 
people ; seven hundred thousand heirs apparent to 
the throne looking on all the time. 

What an outcry would be raised, if our author had 
discovered this in England. But we must not imitate 
him, and take up a reproach against the old and 
venerable state of Massachusetts, regarding the errors 
of this school establishment merely as the corruptions 
of time, which necessarily affect all pubhc institutions* 
We rather rejoice that the state had the courage and 



EDUCATION IN MASSACHUSETTS. 165 

principle to look the evil in the face, and to apply so 
comprehensive and efficacious a remedy. 

That remedy however met with much opposition in 
the legislature. 

As lately as in March, 1840, a committee of the 
house of representatives recommended the abolition of 
the board of education, the suppression of the normal 
schools, which had just been established, and the return 
of a sum of ten thousand dollars which Mr. Dwight of 
Boston, had generously given for their support. The 
report however was rejected by a majority of the 
house, and a similar proposal afterwards made j again 
rejected. 

The Reviewer remarks on this decision, " that if the 
motion to abohsh the Board, and the Normal Schools, 
had passed both Houses of the Legislature, and if no 
better institutions had been substituted in their stead, 
the cause of democracy would, by that act, have sus- 
tained a severer blow in Europe, than it has suffered 
since the enormities of the French Revolution. Mas- 
sachusetts presents the most favorable specimen of 
democracy in the New- World ; she boasts of industry, 
w^ealth, religious zeal, and a comparatively enlightened 
population. Had her Legislature extinguished these 
institutions, and reverted to the previously existing 
educational arrangements, we should have been justi- 
fied in inferring that democracy instinctively hates 
light, refinement and civilization ; and that its natural 
atmosphere is that of ignorance, selfishness and pas"- 
15* 



166 UNITED STATES COLLEGES. 

sion." That this was very near being the case,, 
was shown by the last division, when the cause of 
education only triumphed by a majority of 131 to 
114. 

We consider the exertions lately made in the North- '' 
ern and Western States, particularly in New York, 
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, as highly cred- 
itable, forming one of the most important elements of ! 
the true glory of a nation, but they should not engen- 
der that absurd pride and vain glory, which is ever \ 
looking for gratification, by a contrast with others. ; 

We have contrasted the common or general educa- ; 
lion of England and the United States. We shall 
next examine how the higher branches will compare, i 
We have now before us a list of ninety-five Universi- 
ties and Colleges in the United States in the year 1840. ■ 
Only think what a sound this will make in Europe ! — 
Ninety-five colleges, all conferring degrees in litera- 
ture, far more colleges than in all the rest of the civiliz- j 
ed world ! Strangers on landing here from the Old 
World, must expect to meet a nation of sages. But \ 
they will be surprised to learn that the whole students 
attending these colleges only numbered nine thousand [ 
two hundred and twenty-four, being an average of 97 | 
for each. i 

Six of these colleges have no teachers, thus enabling 
the young gentlemen to have the gratification of being ; 
self-taught, and also of conferring the degrees on them- 
selves. One of these colleges has one teacher, 3 | 



BRITISH UNIVERSITIES. 167 

have 2 teachers each, 5 have 3 teachers, 8 have 4, 
10 have 5, 45 have from 6 to 10 teachers each, 
13 have from 11 to 17 teachers each, one has 25, 
one 26, one 30, and one 31 teachers. Seven of these 
colleges have no pupils, the Presidents and Professors 
enjoying snug sinecures — 12 of them have from 10 to 
50 pupils each, and only 8 have above 200 each. If 
three Roman Catholic Institutions, which have 17, 25, 
and 26 teachers each, be deducted, there are only two 
colleges in the Union, viz. Harvard and Yale, which 
have the requisite number of teachers for the branches 
of education taught in the European Colleges. These 
excellent and valuable institutions have 30 and 31 
teachers respectively. 

We wish to speak with the utmost respect of every 
seminary for the instruction of youth, in this country 
or in any other. Many of the institutions now men- 
tioned have been eminently useful, and we hope that 
they will continue to be so ; we quarrel not with them, 
but with their bombaslical titles. Most of them would 
be styled grammar-schools, or respectable academies, 
in Britain — some of them would not even be entitled 
to that rank. 

The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, in Eng- 
land, have eleven thousand students attending them, 
and the two London, and the Durham Universities, a 
very considerable number. The four Scotch Universi- 
ties have from three to four thousand pupils. We 
may fairly state that in Britain, which contains about 



168 TITLES IN UNITED STATES. 

the same population as the United States, there are 
attending the regular Universities, double the number 
of those attending the institutions here called Colleges j 
and if we add to the number those who are attending 
the public grammar-schools and academies of Britain, 
to bring down the comparison to the level of the 
American Colleges, it is no exaggeration to state, that ^ 
the number of young men receiving a liberal educa- 
tion at Public Institutions in Britain, is ten times great- 
er than in the United States. 

It is amusing to see the constant desire manifested 
in America to break through the rule laid down by the 
Constitution, denying titles of rank. In no class is 
this more conspicuous than among teachers. The 
most common instructor in the A, B, C, styles himself 
a Professor. If he is qualified to teach in an academy 
or grammar-school, he has every chance of soon hav- 
ing President added to his name. Only think of a 
President, four Professors, and te7i pupils ! How com- 
fortable must be the situations of the President and 
Professors! How learned the young gentlemen must 
soon become, and how interesting the meetings of the 
Senatus Academicus, when they are conferring literary 
honors on their pupils. 

We have heard of an Emperor of Russia making a 
foreign schoolmaster an Admiral, because he had no 
honors but naval and military ones to bestow. This 
could not be practiced here, where military titles are so 
common, that a well educated schoolmaster would not 



FEMALE EDUCATION. 169 

consider himself honored by the possession of such a 
distinction. We have heard of an old lady complain- 
ing at the time Britain was armed to the teeth in ex- 
pectation of French invasion, that she could not get 
along the streets for Colonels. If she was in the Unit- 
ed States, she would shut herself up in despair. 

Before closing this article, is it necessary to say any 
thing of the proficiency to which education is carried 
in Britain, as compared with America ? How many 
ladies are there, of genteel and fashionable appearance 
and lady-like manners, who cannot write a common 
card or letter, without the grossest blunders, both in 
orthography and spelling. How common is it for 

them to begin, Mrs. 's Compts., (using the third 

person,) and ending in the first person, and sign- 
ing Mrs. , instead of the christian and sir- 
name. We trust that the improvements which are 
gradually taking place in the system of education, will 
soon remove this reproach from the country, and in 
particular that the fair sex will see how much more 
essential it is to cultivate the mind, and to attain that 
knowledge which is both useful and ornamental, than 
to acquire all the graces of the dancing school, or the 
y^ewest cut of the French milliner and dress-maker. 



CHAPTER X. 

CHURCH AND STATE. 

We shall now notice the Church question raised by \ 
our author — his hero, John Thorogood. John had been ] 
confined for eighteen months in Chelmsford Jail for i 
contempt of Court, arising out of his refusal to pay | 
five shilhngs and sixpence of church rates, which, we i 
have already explained, is a small tax annually voted j 
by the parishioners for keeping the churches in repair. 
Our author, when in London, determines to visit this ; 
voluntary martyr, and he is accordingly introduced to ' 
the reader's notice in vol. 1, page 213. The author ' 
is admitted into Mr. Thorogood's apartment by the i 
jailor, who intimates that he is very tired of his prison- 
er, as he has so many visiters. \ 

John receives our hero in the most cordial manner, [ 
tells him that he cares nothing for the 5s. 6d., that he i 
is ready to give half a sovereign for any good cause, ' 
but will not surrender his liberty of conscience, that he : 
can bear oppression until the sacred ground of mora 
rights is invaded, but he cannot, and will not give way I 
to the wicked claims of despotic rulers. Page 215, he i 
says, " the result of it all was, that for contempt of J 



JOHN THOROGOOD's CONSCIENCE. 171 

court, as it was called, I was thrown into jail 16th Jan- 
uary, 1839, where I have remained ever since, and 
where I will remain till I die, rather than surrender the 
principle for which I am contending." (We may notice 
here, that John has long since changed his mind, and 
been graciously pleased to walk himself out of Chelms- 
ford jail.) "That principle is no less than that for 
which Protestant Reformers have in all ages contend- 
ed ; the very principle is no less than that for which 
England broke away from the allegiance to Rome; for 
which Huss and Jerome, and ten thousand others went 
to the stake ; the same principle for which John Bun- 
yan lay twelve years in Bedford jail ; the greatest, the 
dearest principle for which man ever contended, the 
high, the sacred right of conscience." Again, in page 
217, he says: "Do I not suffer the greatest wrong, 
when any party seek to prescribe to me in religion, 
either what I shall believe, or how I shall express my 
faith 1" 

John Thorogood, it seems, is a dissenter from the 
Established Church, and we hope a sincere believer in 
the truths of Christianity. How his conscience can be 
hurt by a small payment for supporting a Church, 
which teaches essentially the very doctrines which his 
own Church teaches, we cannot explain. That he 
might grudge to pay the 5s. 6d., having his own min- 
ister to pay, we can understand, although we would 
think it scarcely worth the consideration of a man in 
his good circumstances, to object to so small a claim. 



172 JOHN THOROGOOD CONTINUED. 

That he might use his Parliamentary vote, or other 
Constitutional privilege to get the law altered, we can 
also understand. But conscience is said to interfere in 
a matter where the object must be admitted to be deci- 
dedly good. Why there are few Christian men, either 
in Britain or America, who will not readily give a 
subscription for the propagation or support of the gos- 
pel, by whatever body the application is made. 

But here the refusal of payment of a few shillings, 
laid on by the people themselves, and in some cases 
refused, when there are a majority of dissenters, is 
gravely and impudently compared to the noble stand 
made by Huss and Jerome, when they sacrificed their 
lives for the cause of scriptural truth, and religious 
liberty. How can this man presume to call such a 
matter, prescribing to him, either what he shall believe, 
or how he shall express that belief? 

But John appeared to be anxious for the crow^n of 
martyrdom, at least while he could do it at little charge. 
His wife and family visited him, and remained with 
him all day, and hundreds came from all quarters to 
see him ; so that John became quite a lion. To a 
person desirous of separating '^ the throne from the 
cross," as he avows his object to be, and especially to 
a man in his comfortable situation, all this must have 
been highly gratifying. 

No people have ever been more distinguished by their 
firm maintenance of the right of conscience, and pri- 
vate judgement, than the Quakers. They are opposed 



RESISTANCE, WHEN LAWFUL. 173 

on principle to war, considering it unlawful and un- 
just. Yet they quietly pay their taxes, although they 
are partly applied to the maintenance of war. They 
wisely consider that the advantages derived from good 
government, far outweigh any inconvenience arising 
from the operation of the laws on those more minute 
shades of opinion, which are ever to be found in a free 
country. If all men were to adopt the self-conceited 
and opinionative conduct of John Thorogood, no sys- 
tem of government, however good, could possibly be 
maintained, and confusion and anarchy would necessa- 
rily prevail. 

Resistance of a tax is rebellion. We know, and 
readily admit, that there is a time, when resistance to a 
government becomes justifiable, and even a duty. 
When the rulers of a country have trampled on those 
great constitutional rights, which belong to every free 
people, when they have lost their benign and protective 
character, and instead of being a terror to the evil, and 
a praise and protection to the good, have become a 
terror to the good, and a praise and protection to the 
evil, then the sooner such a government is changed the 
better. And will John Thorogood be able to plead to 
this issue when sisted before the bar of the great Judge? 
Will he be able to plead not guilty, for resisting laws 
enacted by the representatives of the people of Britain? 
t will then be known whether his conscience has been 
hurt by 5s. 6d. being asked for maintaining the Temple 
16 



174 

of the living God, or whether the glory of being admir 
ed and courted by men, who think with him, has not 
been his governing motive. 

We understand that John's resistance may have 
been in part influenced by motives even of a lower 
order than we have noticed, as he has made money by 
the donations given to him by his ignorant sympathi- 
zers. Before parting with John, our author, as a mat- 
ter of course, makes him pay a compliment to America. . 
" Here, Mary, said he to his wife, I want to introduce 

you to Mr. ." (Queer that he does not mention his 

name.) "He lives in the United States, that blessed j 
land, where there is no established church — no church S 
rates, or tithes, except what a man is wilhng to tax j 
himself" \ 

Now we beg the favor of our author and readers, to I 
go with us for a few minutes to that " blessed land," , 
and request him to join us in the recollection of a 
scene, which was enacted in thej^refi State of Connec- j 
ticut, only a few years ago. See that mob of well- \ 
dressed men, surrounding that modest looking house. : 
Some are smashing the windows, and others are pre- i 
paring to pull down the house. Two men walk up ; 
through the crowd and knock at the door. It is open- 1 
ed by a lady, who asks the meaning of this outrage. 
One of the men says, " We have a warrant to take you | 
to prison." " Of what crime am I accused ?" inquires ; 
the astonished lady. The man pulls out a paper and . 
reads from it — You are accused of — what is it that this 



CANTERBURY "FOR EVER !" 1'75 

respectable looking female is accused of 1 Can it be 
murder, or theft, or what atrocious crime ? — You are 
accused of teaching females to read /" 

Shade of Franklin ! Can this be America, that 
styles herself a free country ? It is even so. The 
lady has dared to keep a boarding school for colored 
young ladies, which is held to be a high crime. The 
children now fly in every direction, and the men carry 
Miss Crandall to prison. All hail Columbia ! land of 
the free and brave ! What an act of unequalled gal- 
lantry ! You have conquered a few colored children, 
and dragged their teacher to prison. Great is the 
bravery, great the patriotism of the select men of Can- 
terbury. 

Go with me and open her prison doors. I will not 
show her likeness to one who can discern blue veins 
where no face was ever seen. But I admire the trust 
and confidence this persecuted lady displays ; that trust 
and confidence are placed in God. Contrast her 
case with that of John Thorogood. He is constant- 
ly surrounded with friends and visiters. Some ap- 
prove of his conduct from extreme views as dissent- 
ers, some from hatred of all religion, many come from 
curiosity, and many seriously rehgious men try to dis- 
suade him from his course. Miss Crandall has no such 
comforts. A few personal friends she has, but the 
sovereign people, the heirs apparent, are against her, 
and can hardly restrain their indignation within any 
kind of bounds. But she is sustained by the testimony 



176 CONNECTICUT LEGISLATION. 

of a good conscience, and tells her persecutors she will 
not desist from her purpose of teaching colored child- 
ren. "Before you shall open your school again in 
Canterbury," said one of these persecutors, " you must 
walk over the bodies of five hundred men." Most 
valorous hero ! Is your name not known, so as it may 
be handed down to posterity ? Bobadil, Jack Falstaff, 
Boby Acres, all must yield the palm to thee I 

After leaving John Thorogood's jail, our author tells 
us he went to visit the house where Goldsmith is said 
to have written his " Deserted Village." " The old 
hamlet bears the name of Springfield, and it is suppos- 
ed by many, that in the early history of New England, 
its quiet and hberty-loving inhabitants emigrated from 
their homes to the banks of the Connecticut, and there 
founded the town of Springfield." 

Now if any of the liberty- loving inhabitants, could 
rise from their graves, and witness the Legislature of 
the State of Connecticut meeting, and passing a law 
to prohibit, under severe penalties, the establishment of 
schools for the instruction of colored children, if these 
children belonged to any other State, what would they 
think of their degenerate descendants. Yet such a 
law was actually passed in the year of Grace, eighteen 
hundred and thirty-three. To talk of such men know- 
ing anything of the meaning of liberty, is to make a 
mockery of that cherished word. They might under- 
stand how to protect their own property, and to pro- 



CHURCH ESTABLISHMENTS. 177 

tect their own rights from attack, with as much zeal 
and ferocity as a mastiff in defending his master's 
house, hut they must have sunk far below the level of 
minds capable of apprehending the claims of freedom, 
or the rights of conscience, before they could even en- 
tertain such a proposition. Let our author explain 
why it is that with republican institutions, flourishing 
unchecked for sixty years, a community should have 
become so degraded ? 

The question of the lawfulness, or propriety of the 
State giving any assistance in matters of religion, is 
deeply involved in the case of John Thorogood. No 
question has received a more full discussion of late 
years than this, and none can count a greater number 
of able and conscientious defenders, on both sides. 

It must at once be admitted, that Church Establish- 
ments have a strong tendency to abuse, and if we ex- 
amine those that have existed, w^e shall find that most 
of them have been instruments of intolerance, cruelty 
and oppression, and instead of building up the fabric of 
genuine Christianity, they have been used to promote 
the purposes of selfish and ambitious priests, and wick- 
ed and unprincipled rulers. But unless it can be shown 
that such evil consequences are inseparable from 
Church Establishments, however constituted, or under 
whatever modification they may appear, the results 
we have now mentioned, by no means determine the 
question. 

16* 



178 CHURCH ESTABLISHMENTS, 

No man in possession of his senses, will deny the ne- 
cessity of civil government, yet how many evils have 
followed in its train, under every shape and modifica- 
tion it has assumed. But who, excepting the class we 
have mentioned, would think of setting it aside alto- 
gether ? The evils which have accompanied civil gov- 
ernment, under its worst form and administration, have 
been infinitely less, than those which would have ex- 
isted, if it had been entirely abolished. We do not 
mean that any government should support such a reli- 
gious establishment, as will in the most remote degree, 
interfere with the hberty of private judgment, but that 
they should extend assistance to all sects, who teach 
the doctrines of the Bible, in proportion to their po- 
pulation, but only when it could be shown, that a 
necessity existed for it. 

But we are immediately met by the difficulty, of how 
the doctrines of the Bible are to be ascertained. There is 
no other mode of doing this, but by the majority of the 
people's representatives. This, it may be said, would 
sanction, in Roman Catholic countries, the exclusive 
support given to that faith. But under our system, 
with the most ample rights secured to all, who might 
differ from the majority in opinion, and with the most 
lull and frequent discussion, which would arise, when 
assistance v^as required, we should not be afraid that 
any body of Christians would long be deprived of their 
fair proportion of support, if it should be required. If 
such discussion could only be introduced into Catholic 



ENGLISH REFORMATION. 179 

countries, we would soon witness the downfall of that 
mass of priestcraft and superstition. 

The Church of England is much abused by Mr. Les- 
ter. We are no sticklers for that Church. Her struc- 
ture has too much pomp, wealth, and worldly policy, 
attached to it. Her absurd and arrogant assumption 
which is brought forward here, as well as in England, 
that she has the sole right by hereditary descent, to 
authorize the preaching of the Gospel, is alike unscrip- 
tural, and repugnant to the feelings of every independ- 
ent mind. 

If the Reformation had been in the hands of Luther, 
Calvin, or Knox, they would have done it more effect- 
ually. The sound Scriptural views of Cranmer, Lati- 
mer and Ridley, reformed the doctrines of the Church, 
and brought them close to the primitive standard. But 
the ambitious ministers of the excellent Edward VL 
preserved to the new Church, the wealth, the titles, the 
pomp of her Popish predecessor. The same error was 
committed as when Constantine took the Church under 
his protection, but we believe the motives of the Ro- 
man Emperor were more pure than in the last case. 
The worldly advantages thus injudiciously heaped on 
the Church had a similar result in both cases. The 
Churches lost their love, and became either stationary 
in their exertions, or to a certain extent opposed to the 
growth of pure Christianity. The English Church was 
early opposed by dissenters, which she met with all the 
intolerance and persecution of the Church of Rome. 



180 CHURCH OF ENGLAND IMPROVEMENT. ; 

These days have long since passed away, and a ; 
brighter era is now developing itself. The Church, with i 
all its faults, always contained a number of faithful 
ministers ; her w^riters have been the most eminent in ■ 
maintaining the cause of our common Christianity, and i 
her works are the standards on that subject, in every 
library. Within the last half century, she has made ■ 
great progress in piety and evangelical truth. Many j 
years ago, the pious John Newton used to say, that : 
there were only three hundred among the ten thousand | 
ministers of England who preached evangelical doc- j 
trine. Before his death they had reached three thou- 'I 
sand, and it is now believed that they are a majority of \ 
the whole. ' 

Since the passage of the Reform Bill in 1832, great i 
improvements have been introduced into the Church 
Establishment, chiefly by the exertions of the whig ■ 
ministers. An important step has been taken ' 
toward a more fair division of the revenue of the 
Church. The salaries of the more highly paid bishops, ; 
and other dignitaries, have been put under a process of j 
reduction, the proceeils to be given to increase the in- i 
comes of the curates, which have long been justly com- 
plained of, as quite inadequate to their support. Resi- 
dence is strictly enforced upon the Clergy, and many ' 
other salutary arrangeaients made. 

In Ireland, ten Bishoprics have been abolished, the \ 
incomes of the higher Clergy reduced, and the funds : 
applied for religious or educational purposes. Tithes, so \ 



PUSEYITES AND REFORMERS. 181 

long a source of annoyance, are now paid by the land- 
owners on a fixed scale, and church-rates abolished. 
Much more is yet to be done, and would have been 
done, but for the influence of the hierarchy. But the 
reform will soon be completed. 

There can be no doubt that the Church is arising in 
her strength, and putting on her beautiful garments. 
As she is deprived of part of the wealth which had 
been imprudently lavished upon her, or as that w^ealth 
is becoming more equally divided, we trust she will just 
in proportion look less to the world, and more to her 
spiritual duties. 

There has however lately arisen at Oxford, a party 
supported by learning, talent and rank, which has 
broached doctrines, almost identified with the Church of 
Rome. If this party Avere to make any considerable 
progress, we should say that the Church of England w^as 
near her end. But if her right wing has ventured once 
more to hoist the standard of the false and unscriptural 
Church, there has appeared on the opposite wdng, a 
strong band of bold and faithful divines, who have un- 
furled the glorious standard of reform. They insist on 
a change of the liturgy, to bring it down to the more 
simple and primitive level of Christian truth, that the 
Church shall have free courts established for discipline, 
and government, that the Bishops shall renounce their 
worldly honors, that the Church shall be stripped 
of all her Babylonish robes, and meretricious graces, 
and shall assume the noble and honorable office, of 



182 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 

carrying the truths of the gospel to the cottage and 
hearts of every family in the kingdom, which has not i 
yet been brought under its saving influence. | 

The Church of Scotland has also felt the influence ' 
of the times in raising her dormant zeal. With a pru- ^ 
dence peculiar to the nation, Scotland did not, at the 
reformation, transfer the revenues of the old church to 
the new faith, but imposed a small tax or tithe, on the ■• 
landed property, for the support of the ministry of the ; 
Gospel. Under this system her thousand parish minis- > 
ters have enjoyed much comfort, without the cares and 
temptations of many of their wealthy brethren in the ■{ 
South. The minimum of their stipends or incomes, is 
^6150 per annum, with a free house and piece of ground, , 
called a glebe. But their average stipends, will [ 
amount to about £250, or $1250 per annum. Under 
this moderate provision, the church has preserved more i 
of the external and internal marks of a Church of 
Christ, than any hitherto established. 

She also long had her moderate and Evangelical party. \ 
The first were those who generally cared less for the ] 
flock than the fleece, and resembled the High Church \ 
party in England. — Yet there were always among them | 
men of distinguished ability, and they were almost uni- 
versally men of respectable private characters. In any 
thing regarding religion they were very mode7'ate — 
hence their name. They were never so well described 
as by Dr. Witherspoon, then a minister of the Church of ; 



SCOTTISH PATRONAGE. 183 

Scotland, but afterwards President of Princeton College 
in the United States, in a small work entitled " Cha- 
racteristics of a moderate man," a work abomiding 
with good sense and principle, and much genuine wit. 

Principal Robertson, the celebrated historian, was 
long the leader of the moderate party, in the church 
courts. 

Since the commencement of the present century, the 
Evangelical party has been gradually encreasing, and 
it has now a large majority. By their exertions chiefly, 
many new congregations have been formed at home, 
and missionaries sent to the heathen world. The min- 
isters are selected by the patrons of parishes, who 
pay a large part of the stipends of the Church of 
Scotland. 

This burden was imposed in the Tory days of Queen 
Anne, and has always been felt as a grievance 
by the people of Scotland. The ascendancy of the 
evangelical party, which has generally been more 
favorable to popular rights, than the moderates, 
enabled them to pass a law of the Church a few years 
ago, giving the people a veto on the appointment of 
their ministers. This privilege was soon reduced to 
practice. The people have repeatedly exercised the 
veto, in which they have been uniformly sustained by 
the highest church courts, but the patrons whose power 
was interfered with, have appealed to the civil courts, 
and always got judgments in their favor. The civil 
courts allege that the Church is interfering with the 



184 NOX-INTRUSION. 

vested lights and pecuniary interests of patrons. The 
Church Courts say, they are supreme judges in all mat- 
ters purely ecclesiastical — that ordination is of that de- 
scription that they will ordain no minister who is not 
acceptable to the people, and that they will stand by 
them in defence of their rights. 

The non-intrusion party, which is the name gener- 
ally given to the majority, contains the piety, talent, 
and integrity of the Church of Scotland, and a vast 
majority of the people in her communion. They are 
supported by a considerable part of the peerage, the 
gentry, and learned men, of the country. The contest has j 
raged for several years, and the issue is doubtful. The I 
late government took little part in the struggle, though j 
it is believed they were favorable to the non-intrusion ' 
party. Their conduct in nominating ministers, as the j 
patronage of about one third of the whole parishes 
belongs to the crown, would seem to prove this, for in 
every instance the people had their own choice, gen- 
erally a list from of the most eligible candidates. 

The remnant of the moderate ministers, have mostly 
adopted the views of the civil court, when their decis- i 
ions clashed with those of the Church courts. The true \ 
and best remedy would be at once to put an end to 
patronage, and leave the people to choose their ministers. \ 

One of two things must eventually happen, either a : 
legislative enactment must be passed to adopt the non- 
intrusion principles, or the whole of that party will ' 
withdraw from the church, and leave her a skeleton of j 
dry bones. \ 



VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE. 185 

Another controversy is also raging in Scotland. It 
began a few years before that last mentioned, and orig- 
inated with a large body of dissenters from the church. 
It is on the subject of the lawfulness of church estab- 
lishments. The unlawfulness has chiefly been pleaded 
by a numerous class of seceders, whose forefathers left 
the church, about an hundred years ago, not on the 
ground of such establishments being unscriptural, but 
on account of abuses in the management of the church. 
They have been ably answered by members of the 
church. Both parties are exhausted with the contest, 
which has been carried on in pamphlets, in magazines, 
in reviews and newspapers, in the pulpit, in public 
meetings, and in church courts. They have lately rest- 
ed on their arms, prepared for another encounter. One 
body of seceders has joined the church, satisfied with 
the great change that has of late years taken place in 
the decisions of her courts, and the zeal and Christian 
purity which she now exhibits. 

The protestant Dissenters are very numerous in all the 
three kingdoms. In Scotland and England they ap- 
proach to a half of the whole population. The objec-- 
tion to establishments on principle, among the dissent- 
ers in England, is by no means so general as in Scotland. 
Indeed the largest body of them, the Wesleyan Method- 
ists, are known to be friendly to the church, and many 
would unite with her, if a complete reform could be ob- 
tained, which we have already seen has commenced, and 

we doubt not will be accomplished within a few years. 

16 



186 WORKING OF VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE. 

We know the views entertained on this subject in the 
United States, and respect the sincerity of those who 
profess them, which we believe to be the great mass of 
the people. But we cannot help thinking that if some 
national assistance were given towards the support of 
the gospel, not to a favored sect, but to such as require 
it, we would meet with fewer infidels in our hotels, and 
steamboats, and railroad cars. There is not a more 
beautiful or interesting sight, than a faithful and ex- 
emplary parish pastor, going in and out among his peo- 
ple, instructing them by his preaching, stimulating 
them by his example, and carrying them along with 
him in the path to heaven. 

Most gladly would we have seen such an institution 
at a country district lately, not fifty miles from New 
York, where there is only a very small village church. 
The minister, a good man, but without weight among 
the people. He receives no payment, excepting a small 
churchf collection, perhaps of a dollar each Sunday. 
He is obliged to support himself by hard labor during 
the week, as a teacher, and has of course no time to 
visit the people, few of whom seemed to feel that they 
had any connection with him. The consequences are ap- 
parent. Some of the wealthiest of the inhabitants are so 
sunk in worldliness, and so ignorant or dead to religious 
feeling, that they make no scruple of opening their 
stores on Sunday, and selling goods. Had this worthy 
man only enjoyed the minimum salary of a Scotch 
parish minister, how much good might he have been 



STRANGER IN WASHINGTON. 18"^ 

able to accomplish. The people themselves could 
pay, but many feel not the importance of religion. 

Religion, like education, must often be brought to 
the door, and pressed on the consciences of the people. 
The Massachusetts education system affords a striking 
proof of the necessity of some external power being 
employed, to watch over the working of any in- 
stitution, however good, in order to maintain it in vig- 
or and purity. How much more must it be necessary 
to introduce some new force, when every thing is left 
to individual volition, and to bring concentrated chris- 
tian zeal and energy to bear on places overrun with 
sloth and indifference to the concerns of religion? 
We do not see how^ a nation professing to be christian, 
can excuse itself for this fearful neglect. 

Let us suppose a stranger from one of the planets of 
our system to pay a visit to this earth. Suppose him 
to land at Vrjishington, and to enter the Capitol while 
the Legislature is in session. He finds them busy vot- 
ing money to support a set of men, who are trained to 
kill their fellow-creatures as a profession. Next da)- 
he finds them engaged in voting large sums to build 
and equip huge wooden castles, to be sent to sea tf- 
destroy such as are supposed to be enemies to the coun- 
try. On the third day he finds them voting money to 
pay the Government officers, and maintain the dignity 
of the civil magistrate. 

He enters a fourth day, and observes the business is of 
a different cast. He inquires of a by-stander if all the 



188 stranger's remarkSo 

votes of money are over, and is told they are. He asks 
if it be a Christian country, and is informed it is. He 
asks, with surprise — " Do you make no provision for 
maintaining the worship of God, none for preserving 
the remembrance of Him who came down from heaven 
to save your fallen race 1 Do you expend all your 
means in providing for the destruction of your fellow- 
men, or in maintaining your own honor and dignity, 
and forget the Giver of all you enjoy 1" The by-stander, 
equally surprised, replies : "Who are you, and where 
have you lived, that you do not know that to provide 
for the worship of God, would be contrary to the vol' 
untary 'principle? We are a very religious nation, 
but we cannot violate the voluntary principle ; besides 
we could never agree as to who should have the mo- 
ney, and we therefore set the question aside — and be- 
gin even to doubt the propriety of having a chap- 
Jain among us, as the organ of our public addresses to 
God." The stranger reminds the by-stander that when 
the people of Israel were under the immediate govern- 
ment of God, they were expressly commanded, as a 
nation, to maintain his worship. But he is told that 
a Theocracy is not to be compared to a Democracy, 
which is the only system of perfection. The stranger 
extends his pinions, and gladly wings his way to his 
own region, where we trust all hearts are, individually 
and collectively, attunded to worship and serve the 
living and true God. 

But it is said that the voluntary plan provides for 



NATIONAL RELIGION. 18& 

the spiritual wants of the people. We grant that it 
has done so in this country to a very considerable extent, 
and that the towns contain a great mass of church-going 
people. But it only provides where two requisites ex- 
ist : First, the disposition to hear the gospel ; and se- 
cond, the means to support a minister. But are there 
not both in town and country immense masses of the 
people, where both requisites are wanting, and in many 
cases where one exists without the other.* It is the 
business of a nation to supply these deficiencies as far 
as it is possible. Voluntary societies frequently do 
much, but their means are limited, and reach but a 
small portion of the vast field they would require to 
operate upon. Can a nation be guiltless that leaves its 
people in this condition ? 

We know the difficulties attending the question, and 
do not undervalue them. But when there is a will 
there is a way. Every great national question has its 
difficulties, but the wisdom of man provides a remedy. 
Church Establishments have been accompanied with 
many evils ; but what are these in comparison to a 
vast part of the population growing up in entire ne- 
glect of the truths of religion. The best security for 
good order and respect for the laws, is ever to be found 
in a sincerely religious community. 

* Note. — A very large part of the ministers in country district> 
in America, do not receive above two hundred dollars per annum. 
16* 



CHAPTER XL 

LORD BYRON. 

OxME of the most barefaced and impudent things in the 
whole work is that part where Lord Byron's name is 
introduced. A new character is brought out in the 
shape of an American gentleman, name not given, who 
makes a speech to our author occupying from page 126 
to 138, vol. 1st. This American gentleman professes 
to have been with Lord Byron, during his last days, and 
makes him say all manner of good things about Amer- 
ica in general, and about Mr. Washington Irving in 
particular, evidently that Mr. Lester may recommend 
himself to that distinguished author. 

After what we have presented to our readers, they 
will not be surprised to hear that eight pages of this 
speech, said to be the result of this gentleman's obser- 
vation, or information while at Missilonghi, were given 
to the American public in the year 1824, in an appen- 
dix to Medwyn''s Conversations of Byron. That ap- 
pendix was taken from the Westminster Review, and 
published by Wilder and Campbell, in New York in 
the year above mentioned. We give the extracts, as in 
a former case, from the two works :— 



LORD BYRON, 191 

Lester, p. 126. Medwyn, p. 273. 

" He (Lord Byron) was then " It is no wonder that the 

suffering from the ejffect of his unlooked for disappointment 

tit of epilepsy which occurred should have preyed on his spi. 

the middle of February." rits, and produced a degree of 

irritability, which, if, it was 
not the sole cause, contributed 
geratly to a severe fit of the 
epilepsy, with which he was 
attacked on the 15th of Feb. 

Page— 131. " Byron had Page 279— "My master," 
partly recovered from his first says Mr. Fletcher, " continu- 
attack, and was in the habit ed his usual custom of riding 
of riding on horseback almost daily, when the weather would 
every day. — On the 9th April permit, until the 9th of April, 
he got very wet during his But on that ill-fated day, he 
ride, and took a severe cold, got very wet, and on his return 
which was attended by fever, home, his lordship changed the 
still he rode out again in the whole of his dress, but he had 
afternoon ofthe following day, been too long in his wet 
a few miles from town, on clothes, and the cold, of which 
his favorite horse ! and this he had complained more or 
was the last time he ever left less, ever since we left Cepha- 
the house." Ionia, made this attack be 

more severely felt. Though ra- 
ther feverish during the night, 
his lordship slept pretty well, 
but complained in the morning 
of a pain in his bones and a 
headache ; this did not, how- 
ever, prevent him from taking 
a ride in the afternoon, which 
I grieve to say was his last." 



192. LORD BYRON. 

Lester. Medwyn. 

3d. " A slow fever set in, 3d. '* His lordship was again 
and his symptoms continually visited by the same slow fever , 
grew worse." and I was sorry to perceive, on 

the next morning, that his ill- 
ness appeared to be increas- 



4th. Page 133— *' His sys- 4th. Page 280— "The whole 
tem wasted rapidly ; for dur- nourishment taken by my mas. 
ing the eight days of his ill- ter, for the last eight days, 
ness, he took no nourishment, consisted of a small quantity 
except a small quantity of of broth at two or three dif- 
broth, at two or three different ferent times, and two spoon- 
times, and two spoonfuls of fuls of arrow root, on the 18th, 
arrow root, the day before his the day before his death." 
death." 

5th. Page 132—" Mr. Flet- 5th. Page 280— '' On the 

cher said he was very anxious following day I found my mas- 

to send to Zante for Dr. Thom- ter in such a state, that I could 

as; for his master was a// the not feel happy, without suppli- 

time growing worse under the eating that he would send to 

treatment of Doctors Bruno Zante for Dr. Thomas." 
and Miligan." 

6th. "In a day or two Mr. 6th. Page 280— " I repeated 

Fletcher again supplicated the my supplications that Dr. 

attending physicians to let him Thomas should be sent for, on 

send for Dr. Thomas, and was the ISth, and was again assur- 

solemnly assured that his ed that my master would be 

lordship would be better im- better in two or three days — 

mediately — These stifled ef- after these confident assur- 

forts were not again renewed ances I did not renew my in- 

until it was too late." treaties till it was too late." 



LORD BYRON. 193 

Lester. Medwyn. 

7th. " The physicians in- 7th. Page 281—'' Accord- 

sisted upon taking blood— He ingly my master was bled in 

reluciantly yielded, and one the right arm, on the evening 

pound was taken from his of the 18th, and a pound of 

riarht arm." blood was taken." 



8th. "Mr. Fletcher then re- 8th. '' A long dispute now 
newed his prayer to send for arose about the time that had 
Dr. Thomas, and was met by been lost, and the necessity of 
the reply, that his master sending for medical assistance 
would either be much better, to Zante ; upon which I was 
or a dead man, before Dr. informed, for the first time, 
Thomas could come from that it would be of no use, as 
Zante." my master would be better, or 

no more, before the arrival of 

Dr. Thomas." 

9th. " The physicians in- 9th. *' His lordship con- 
sisted upon bleeding again the tinned to get worse; but 
same night, and told him it Bruno said, he thought letting 
would [probably save his life blood again would save his 
— ' Oh !' said Byron, with a life ; and I lost no time in tel- 
mournful countenance, * I fear, ling my master, how necessary 
gentlemen, you have entirely it was, to comply with the 
mistaken my disease ; but doctor's wishes. To this he re- 
there, take my arm, and do as plied, by saying, he feared they 
you like.' " knew nothing about his disor- 

der, and then stretching out 
his arm, said ' here, take my 
arm, and do whatever you 
like.'" 



194 



LORD BYRON. 



Lester. Medwyf. 
10th. " The next morning, 10. His lordship continued 
although he was in a very to get weaker; and on the 
feeble state, the doctors bled 17th, he was bled twice in the 
him again twice; and in both morning; and at two o'clock- 
cases fainting fits iollowed the in the afternoon. The bleed- 
operation. At two o'clock this ing at both times was followed 
destructive operation was per- by fainting fits." 
formed again." 

11th. '* From that time till 11th. "On the 18th his 

death, which occurred two lordship addressed me fre- 

days after, Byron often ex- quently, and seemed to be very 

pressed great dissatisfaction much dissatisfied with his me- 

with his physicians. The day dical treatment. I then said, 

before he died, the faithful ' Do allow me to send for Dr. 

Fletcher, for the last time, im- Thomas,' to which he answer- 

plored his master to let him, ed do so, but be quick, I am 

even at that late hour, and sorry I did not let you do so 

without the knowledge of his before, as t am sure they have 

physicians, send an express to mistaken my disease ; write 

Zante. 'Do so,' said Byron, yourself, for I know they would 

' but be quick, 1 wish you had not like to see other doctors 

sent sooner; for I know they here.'" 
have mistaken my disease.' " 

12th. '* When Fletcher re- 12. " On returning to my 

turned to his master's room, master's room, his first words 

Byron asked him if he had were ' have you sent.' 'I have, 

sent to Zante. ' You havedone my lord,' was my answer ; 

right,' he answered, ' if I must upon which he said, ' you have 

die, I wish to ^know what is done right, for I should like to 

the matter with me.' " know what is the matter with 

me.' " 



LORD BYRCN. 



195 



Lester. 
13th. " Fletcher wanted to 
get a port folio to write down 
his master's words, Byron cal- 
led him back, exclaiming, 
' Oh, my Godjdon't waste lime 
in writing, for I have no more 
time to waste; now hear me, 
you will be provided for.'" 



Medwyn. 
13th. " I then said, ' shall 1 
go, my Lord, and fetch pen, 
ink, and paper,' ' Oh ! my God, 
no, you will lose too much 
time, and I have it not to spare, 
for my time is now short,' said 
his Lordship, and immediately 
after, ' now pay attention.' 
His Lordship commenced by 
saying ' you will be provided 
for.' " 



14. Fletcher begged him to 
go on to things of more conse- 
quence, and Byron continued, 
' Oh, my poor dear child, my 
dear Ada ! my God, could I but 
have seen her ! Give her my 
blessing, and my dear sister 
Augusta, and her children ; 
and you will go to Lady Byron 
and say — '-tell her every thing ; 
vou are friends with her." ' 



14. Page 2S2. "I begged 
him, however, to proceed with 
things of more consequence. 
He then continued, ' Oh ! my 
dear child, my dear Ada ! 
could I but have seen her ! give 
her my blessing — and my dear 
sister Augusta, and her child- 
ren, and you will go to Lady 

Byron and say tell her 

everything ; you are friends 
with her.' " 



15. " For some time he mut- 
tered something very serious- 
ly, and finally, raising his 
voice, said, ' Now, Fletcher, if 
you do not execute every order 
I have given you, I will tor- 
ment you hereafter, if possi- 
ble.' " 



15. "lie kept muttering some- 
thing very seriously for some 
time, and would often raise his 
voice, and say, 'Fletcher, now 
if you do not execute every 
order which I have given you, 
I will torment you hereafter if 
possible.' " 



196 



LORD BYRON. 



Lester. 
16. "Poor Fletcher wept over 
his dying master, and told him 
he had not understood a word 
of what he had been last say- 
ing — 'Oh, my God, said Byron, 
then all is lost, for it is now 
too late. Can it be possible, 
you have not understood me V 
Fletcher said, 'No, but do tell 
me again, more clearly, my 
Lord.' ' How can I,' answered 
Byron, 'it's now too late, and 
all is over ! ' Fletcher replied, 
' Not our will, but God's will 
be done,' and he answered, 
' Yes, not mine be done I but I 
will try once more.' " 

17. Page 136. '^ believe 
the last words the great Poet 
ever spoke on earth were, ' I 
must sleep now.' How full of 
meaning these words were. 
Yes, he had laid himself down 
to his last sleep. For tv/enty- 
four hours, not a hand or foot 
of the sleeper was seen to stir." 

18. '"Oh ! my God !' exclaim- 
ed the kind Fletcher,' ' I fear 
my master is gone.' The Doc- 
tors then felt his pulse, and 
said — 'You are right, he is 
gone'." 



Medwyn. 
16. Page 232. "Here I told 
his Lordship, in a state of the 
greatest perplexity, that I had 
not understood a word of what 
he said ; to which he replied — • 
' Oh ! my God ! then all is lost, 
for it is now too late ! Can it 
be possible you have not under^ 
stood me V ' No, my Lord, but 
I pray you to inform me once 
more.' ' How can I,' rejoined 
my master ; ' it is now too late, i 
and all is over.' I said, 'not our 
will, but God's be done !' and 
he answered, ' Yes ! not mine 
be done, but 1 will try .' " 



17. Page 284. "The last 
words I heard my master utter 
were at six o'clock on the 
evening of the 18th, when he 
said, ' I must sleep now ; ' upon 
which he laid down, never to 
rise again, for he did not move 
hand or foot for the following 
twenty-four hours." 

IS. " ' Oh ! my God !' I ex- 
claimed, ' I fear his Lordship 
is gone.' The Doctors then felt 
his pulse, and said— 'You are 
right, he is gone.' " 



SATAN REPROVING SIN. 197 

We have not the smallest doubt that every sentence 
given with inverted commas, as speeches from charac- 
ters met by the author in England, has been copied 
from published books. We are not aware that this 
mode of appropriating the literary property of others, 
has ever before been practiced, and really think our 
author should come forward and claim a patent for his 
ingenuity. 

If any thing were yet wanting, it would be his com- 
plaint of an article in Hunt's Magazine, as an ap- 
propriation of this kind, in the following terms: — 
^•' The author should have taken the precaution 
to state, that something very like it had already ap- 
peared in London. He would in that way have saved 
himself from the imputation of being indebted more 
than he seemed to be, to the productions of others !" 



17 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE EAST INDIES, CHINA, AND SLAVERY, 

Our author has a letter addressed to Hon. J. C. Cal- 
houn, chiefly on the subject of East India cotton, and 
also making some allusions to slavery in America. He 
has also a letter to an anonymous correspondent, on 
British India. 

In addressing Mr. Calhoun, our author suddenly 
drops his tone of indignation, and assumes the most 
humble and deferential manner, such as he seems to 
think will be acceptable to the Southern nobleman, and 
master of slaves. Being an avowed abolitionist, he 
is compelled to refer to slavery, throwing in some hints 
about abolition being for the interest of the slavehold- 
ers. This is not done directly, but inferentially, and 
his letter contains not one allusion to that law of God, 
every branch of which is necessarily violated wherever 
slavery exists. He can abuse enough, when attacking 
the people of other lands, but he is nearly dumb when 
in the presence of the champion of slavery. 

Our author commences by a fervent hope that hea- 
ven will preserve the American Union, " through all 
coming time," without qualifying it by any deference 



AMERICAN COTTON. 199 

to those laws which heaven has given for the rule of 
all nations. If these are observed, and her policy at 
home and abroad, is founded on these law^s, there is no 
fear for the Union. 

In page 30, we are told that British India can supply 
the entire demand of Britain for cotton, rice, and tobac- 
co, and in p. 36, that " England has for a long time 
grudgingly paid her milhons every year for American 
cotton, r.nd she is now determined to do it no longer." 
Here is something new ; w^e w^ere told that America 
paid millions to Britain, and that the American 
merchants were determined to do so no longer ; and 
now it turns out that America has been receiving mil- 
lions from Britain. But it seems she has paid it grudg- 
ingly. We would ask when did Britain or the British 
government begin to deal in cotton 1 We never heard 
of it. The Pacha of Egypt is a large w^holesale mer- 
chant, but not Great Britain. Does she ever instruct 
her merchants, where they may bring cotton, and where 
not 1 Ail she has to do with American cotton is, the 
collection of a small tax of five sixteenths of a penny 
per pound upon its importation. 

English merchants buy their cotton where they can 
get it best and cheapest, whether in America, India, or 
Egypt. Those, no doubt, who hate slavery, and all 
who know what freedom means, must hate it, have a 
special objection to every thing produced by slavery ; 
but that objection has never been embodied in any act 
of the British government or legislature, declaring war 



200 AMERICAN BONDS. 

against American cotton, nor is it likely to be. The 
hope is generally entertained, that America will soon 
■wipe away that deep and dark stain upon the country, 
and that she will not much longer resist the light which 
has been cast around that question, and which is pene- 
trating every corner of the civilized ^vorld. 

That the attention of the British nation is now fully 
aroused to the vast resources of her Indian empire is 
true, and that great exertions will be made to develope 
those resources, and improve the condition of the people 
is certain. But that these exertions will be guided by a 
sense of duty, and of justice to India, and of prospec- 
tive benefit to Britain, and in no respect from hostihty 
to America, is equally certain. 

Mr. Lester, page 49, says, " If England will not buy 
our cotton, she is more presumptuous even, than usual in 
supposing that we shall purchase her manufactures." 
Now what is the use of conning this matter over so 
often ? America has little besides cotton to send, and 
if that should not be sent how can the goods be paid 
for ? lUinois and Mississippi bonds, and 7io kind of 
American securities will be taken till the old bonds are 
acknowledged, and put under a train of settlement. 
The history of the Spanish bonds must satisfy every 
person that such will be the result. Value, real value, 
must go to Britain, or the goods will not be sent. If 
America chooses to try the ground Britain has gone 
over J, let her do so, and welcome. Let her send the 
ootton as usual, and take Chartist bonds, or Repealers' 



LIBERTY GONE IN ENGLAND. 201 

bonds. They are quite as good as many sent from this side 
of the water. They are a people of kindred spirit with 
our author, and the proposal claims his warm support. 

In relation to India cotton, the Manchester Cham- 
ber of Commerce is introduced, page 37, " as an asso- 
ciation of opulent manufacturers, w^hose power is almost 
unlimited." 

Now we have been told in p. 264, that British manu- 
factures were " fast declining." There is power left 
yet it appears. We are farther informed in page 48, in 
relation to the abolition of East India slavery, " that 
the spirit of the British people is so aroused, that the 
o-overnment will not dare refuse the bold demand." 
Compare this with page 285, " After the restoration of 
Charles Second, who never should have been permitted 
to w^ear a crown, the flames of liberty seemed to go 
out, and the reign of tyranny commenced. From that 
time the mass of the people have sunk down in uncom- 
plaining silence." 

Again we are told, vol. i. page 174, " Parliament has 
been dissolved : an appeal made, not to the English 
people, for they have nothing to do with the laws, but 
to obey them, but to the electors, who are a small 
minority of the people." In consequence of the elec- 
tions turning in favor of the Tories, w^e are informed, 
that *' for a time liberty seems to have left England, 
but in the end freedom will lose nothing." Why, we 
thought freedom had left England, and never returned 
since the restoration of Charles Second. 
17* 



202 LIBERTY REAPPEARED IN ENGLAND. 

But now it is only gone at last election, in the year 
1841 ! Again it comes to life in vol ii., and it is inti- ] 
mated to the slave holders, that the people of England 
have so much power, and so much principle to use it, ' 
that they can even extend their protection to the dis- ! 
tant regions of Hindostan, and that Government will 
not dare refuse the bold demand. Let these state- 
ments be reconciled if they can. 

A long lecture is given by our author on the " out- 
rageous tyranny that has characterized the dealings of ! 
the British Government, with the native chiefs of i 
India and their people j" and it is said in page 53, 
" That if the true history of the British dominion in j 
Asia, with all its injustice and oppressions, practised I 
upon a prostrate and unoffending race, could be read i 
by the world, it would form some of the blackest pages \ 
in the whole catalogue of human suffering and wrong." 
And in page 63, " One of the most distinguished states. . 
men of England said to me the other day, — India is 
the slave of England, sir." We think it very unlike- | 
ly that any distinguished statesman in England said so 
to him. But why not mention his name ? In that 
country no man need be afraid of speaking his senti- 
ments. He then says, " millions (in India) suffer con- 
tinually, in all parts of the country, from hunger, 
which is relieved by just food enough to keep them 
from actual starvation." Much of this kind of general 
abuse, is to be found in the two letters on India. 



BRITISH INDIA. 203 

That a handful of Europeans should have extended 
theu' dominion over so vast a region, peopled by so 
many millions of inhabitants, is one of the most striking 
chapters in the history of the world. Possessed of a 
strip of seacoast for the purposes of trade, the East 
India Company was more than a century in existence, 
before she was in any way formidable to the more im- 
portant sovereigns of the country. At length, about 
the middle of the last century, she became an object of 
serious apprehension to the native princes. Successive 
coalitions were formed, backed by the power of France, 
to drive the British entirely from India, all of which 
ended in the extension of their power. 

The most formidable of her assailants, Hyder Ally, 
came out of the contest shorn of much of his power, 
and his territories greatly reduced, and at the close of 
the century, the fall of his son Tippoo, estabhshed the 
British dominion on a widely extended basis. Wars 
have since followed with the Mahrattas, the Nepaulese, 
the Burmese, and many others, which ended in the ad- 
dition of whole provinces to the British empire. It 
must be confessed, that many acts of oppression and 
injustice have been committed in that country, by indi- 
viduals far removed from the control of those who alone 
could exercise it. But it does not appear that at the 
time the East India Company made its great move- 
ment from a mercantile character to that of an ex- 
tended territorial sovereignty, the war was of their 
seeking : on the contrary, the early part of Lord 



204? ABUSES IN INDIA. 

Olive's transactions sufficiently show, that the war was 
purely defensive. 

The wars since that time, appear to have been chief- 
ly brought on by the native princes, from a natural de- 
sire to prevent the increase of the power of their Eu- 
ropean neighbors, whose superiority they had already 
so deeply experienced. Whether these wars were ever 
instigated, or hastened by the superior skill of Euro- 
pean diplomacy, we cannot say j but it is certain, that 
private adventurers, bent on making rapid fortunes, 
have too often found ample opportunities of doing so? 
in the irregularities of a state of war and tumult, and 
among the ruins of falling or changing dynasties. 
While all such excesses must be deplored by every 
lover of the human race, it must be admitted, that they 
are in some measure inseparable from so wide and ex- 
tended a field of w^arfare, situated at the distance of so 
many thousand miles from the seat of government. 
The abuses of the servants of the India Company, have 
been brought repeatedly under the notice of the British 
public, through Parliament, but the extreme difficulty 
of finding proofs, and it may be, the disinclination of 
some men in power to have these abuses investigated, 
have, we fear, often prevented the ends of justice being 
accomplished. 

These remarks apply to the past. The administra- 
tion of Indian affairs has for many years been of a be- 
nign and just character, and every effort is put forth to 
prevent abuses on the part of public servants. Making 



SLAVER y IN INDIA. 205 

every allowance for the superiority of European skill 
and discipline in arms, it must be admitted, that the 
people of India have felt no interest in supporting their 
former rulers, or they would never have so easily sub- 
mitted to such an handful of strangers. This is not 
indeed surprising, when it is considered that their Tar- 
tar and Mohammedan conquerers, systematically plun- 
dered the people without mercy. The worst days of 
British rule must have been to them a vast improve- 
ment of their political condition. 

Since the time of conquest has passed away, the 
people have remained quietly under the dominion of 
the British Government, and enjoy privileges which 
their forefathers in no previous period of their history 
ever attained. Government is charged by our author, 
as in Britain, as the cause of evils, over which they 
cannot exercise the slightest control. The failure of 
the crops, in some places, for instance, is a ground of 
complaint. In such cases we have no doubt that 
everything possible is done by Government to assist 
the people, although the means of conveyance must 
often be so deficient, and the distance so great, as to 
prevent its being given so speedily or effectually, as 
the necessities of the case may have required. 

Slavery is also charged as a crime against the Brit- 
ish Government, whereas, it neither originated with, 
nor has been encouraged by them. Indeed, that such 
an institution as slavery existed in British India, was 
unknown till a few years ago, as it is confined to 



206 SLAVERY IN INDIA. 

certain districts of the country, and we have never heard 
that any slaves belong to natives of Britain. This 
branch of that atrocious system is common both to the 
Hindoos and the Mohammedans, who in some cases kept 
in slavery the captives taken in war, and suffered others 
voluntarily to consign themselves to perpetual slavery 
or serfship, as was customary at all times, in Eastern 
countries. 

Mr. Lester, copying from the Natchez Free Trader, 
page 45, says, " The ocean queen is about to work her 
thirty millions of white slaves in the jungles, and in 
the plains of India." Now, the highest calculation w^e 
have ever heard of the number of serfs in British India, 
is one million, being about one per cent, of the popu, 
lation. Mr. Lester must have recognized a kindred 
spirit in the numerical accuracy of his Natchez friend. 
But the British nation has set about this matter, and 
although the Asiatic masters of these slaves may talk 
about the antiquity and advantages of " the pecuhar 
institution," like their friends in the South here, slavery 
must and will be abolished. 

The British people w^ould sooner give up India alto- 
gether, than have a single slave in the number of their 
fellow subjects. England will suffer no false issue to 
be made about the constitution, whether it be British, 
Indian; or Mohammedan. To the law" and the testimo- 
ny — that is now the constitution in practice in Eng- 
land. To the United States must be left the honor of 
upholding a constitution w^hich almost every man ad- 
mits, is contrary to the Divine law. 



COLORED SOLDIERS. 207 

India is not the slave of England. Our author 
states that the British standing army in India, consists 
of 266,000 natives, and only 28,000 Enropeans, and 
says, " who can contemplate such a spectacle without 
feelings of indignation, not to be suppressed." Aye, 
who can ? It must be gall and wormwood to all who 
look on Britain as he does, to think that she cannot 
only retain such an Empire, but put arms into the 
hands of the people, and find them her most faithful 
and devoted friends. If this fact, instead of being a 
ground of complaint against Britain, does not afford 
conclusive evidence that the Government is popular, 
we know not what will. 

But cannot Mr. Lester, in his most mild and submis- 
sive tone, advise his friend, Mr. Calhoun, to try this 
plan with the blacks ? They are faithful and devoted 
creatures, and why not have some regim ents of them 
ready for service ? They will fight for the " peculiar 
institution" to the last drop of their blood ; and if they 
were assisted by some rifle corps of faithful Seminoles, 
such an army would resist any invader mad enough 
to make an attempt on the country. They would be- 
sides be an excellent gens d'armes, for watching the 
movements of these infatuated fools who take the road 
to Canada, and run off from happiness, freedom and 
democracy. 

Our author quotes the loose and exaggerated state- 
ments of Dr. Bowring, in order to show that India is 



208 EAST INDIA DUTIES. 

denied the right of free trade with Britain, and the 
proof he gives for it is, that India cotton cloths, which 
used to be extensively consumed in Europe, are now, 
by the improvements in machinery, replaced by British 
cotton goods sent to India. So the whole amount of 
the complaint is, that the people of India are allowed 
to buy their cotton cloths cheaper than they formerly 
did, and thus to derive a great addition to their com- 
forts. But it has been said elsewhere, that Britain op- 
presses India in her commercial arrangements. In the 
Tribune of Dec. 28, is an article entitled "Talks about 
the Home League, No. 2," in which it is asserted, on 
the authority of a writer from India, " that India is 
wretched and yearly impoverished by the British Colo- 
nial system, which fills her with British manufactures 
at five per cent., and taxes her return products at one 
hundred per cent." 

Instead of such sweeping charges as this being made, 
it would have certainly been better to have condescended 
on the articles, on which such heavy duties are paid. 
But how stands the fact 1 Cotton wool is the largest 
article of export from India to Britain, and it is admit- 
ted at 4 pence per cwt., being less than one per cent. 
The duty when it comes from other countries, is 2s. 
lid. per cwt. Rice is admitted at one shilling per 
cwt., and from all other countries 15s. is charged. 
Saltpetre is 6d. per cwt. Indigo 3 pence per lb., and 
4 pence from other countries. Rav/ silk one penny per 
lb. Manufactured silk goods from India pay 20 per 



EAST INDIA REVENUE. 209 

cent, ad valorem,, and from other countries 25 to 30 
per cent. Sugar used to be highly taxed, but some 
years ago the duty was brought down to 24s. per cwt., 
being the same as on the West India growth. The 
only article heavily taxed is rum, which pays 15s. per 
gallon, while West India is admitted at 9s. It is quite 
evident, therefore, that under whatever evils India is 
suffering, they do not arise either from high duties on her 
imports or exports. 

Vague statements are made about millions dying in 
India of starvation. We have already tested our au- 
thor's veracity, and will not attempt to refute this 
charge. Such statements carry their own confutation 
with them. The East India Company, or we should 
rather say the British Government, has succeeded to 
all the rights of the ancient sovereigns of India. One 
of these rights was a heavy tax on land, which forms 
the chief support of the government. The burden of 
this tax will be greatly hghtened, when the improve- 
ments in the cultivation of the soil now in progress 
shall be brought into full operation. By a late law. 
Europeans are allowed to occupy and take leases of 
land, which was formerly prohibited. Meantime, al- 
though a large amount of taxation is levied, it does 
little more than pay the expenses of government, which 
must ever be great, and which are all expended where 
they are levied, the surplus scarcely affording a rea- 
sonable sum for the home expenses, and dividend to 
the proprietors of the Company's stock. 
18 



210 IMPROVEMENTS IN INDIA. 

Our author asks what Britain has done for India. 
We will tell him some things she has done. 1st. 
She has thrown the broad shield of her protection over 
the persons and property of the inhabitants, in a man- 
ner unknown under the former dynasties of India. 
Hence her popularity, which enables her to retain her 
power, with such a limited number of Europeans. 2d. 
She for ever established the inviolable freedom of the 
press. 3d. She has established the invaluable privi- 
lege or trial by jury. 4th. She has expressly prohibit- 
ed, and for ever put down, the disgraceful and shocking 
practice of suttees. 5th. She has established native 
magistrates and judges in every district. This is an- 
other excellent hint for the southern states here. A 
few black magistrates, judiciously planted through the 
country, would be a great improvement. 6th. She has 
thrown the whole of her weight and influence in favor 
of education, which is now making much progress 
among the natives. 7th. Britain is both nationally 
and by means of voluntary associations, using the 
greatest exertions to bring the East Indies under the 
influence of divine truth. 

These are some of the benefits that India has derived 
or is deriving from her British connection. Every 
successive administration, has for many years passes! 
some important measure of improvement. Much re- 
mains to be done, but every movement is in the right 
direction. Britain has a fearful responsibility. The 
millions of India have not been added to her dominion. 



IMPROVEMENT OF INDIA. 211 

m order to give that false glare of greatness which 
often shines but to deceive, or to encourage pride, that 
favorite word in every American speech or novel. It 
is a solemn trust reposed in her, and wo be to her if 
it is abused. We beheve that the British people feel 
the nature of that trust, and will follow up its high re- 
quirements ; that they are satisfied that the true solu- 
tion of their wonderful success in India is, that they 
have been sent by the Supreme disposer of all events 
to enlighten, civihze and Christianize the inhabitants. 

Whatever has already been done, is entirely passed 
over by our author, excepting some notices of the mis- 
sionary exertions, of which one tithe of what has been 
done is not told. But let us hear what even he says, — 
page 82. " But the days of East India oppression are 
numbered." " Until recently very little has been known 
in England, of its extent and horrors. The facts how- 
ever which have been collected, and diffused over Eng- 
land within the last year, have aroused the British peo- 
ple, and they have arisen in their might, determined to 
overthrow this gigantic structure of wrong." Singular 
people ! Liberty dead and buried in the grave of 
Cromwell, nearly two centuries ago, and yet so active. 
Dead and alive at once. 

It has been alleged that the conduct of Britain to- 
ward China, is inconsistent with that just and improved 
system, which the friends of Britain say she pursues to 
foreign countries and in the United States ; it has been 
roundly asserted, and generally believed, that she com- 



212 CHINESE WAR. 

menced the present war, to compel the Chinese to take 
her opium. 

The cause of the war with China, is simply this : — 
An extensive trade, it is well known, is carried on by 
British subjects in China, both in buying and selling. 
Opium had been sent from British India to China 
for many years, and of late its consumption had 
greatly increased. Turkish Opium was also long sold 
in the Chinese market, chiefly by American merchants 
to a considerable extent. 

The Chinese government has for some years prohib- 
ited the importation of opium, occasionally issuing pro- 
clamations and decrees to that effect. The trade was 
never interrupted ; notwithstanding ships continued to 
arrive, and the buyers came in boats, and made their 
purchases, taking them openly ashore. In other cases, 
the opium was sent ashore under the protection of the 
Mandarins, who are the constituted authorities of the 
country. So long did this state of things continue, that 
every man was satisfied that the Chinese Government 
were not in earnest, in their prohibitions of this traffic. 

At last a sudden attack was made on the merchants 
resident at Canton, without discrimination. Their 
houses were surrounded with soldiers, and they were 
kept prisoners for several weeks. They were threatened 
with death, unless the whole opium in the ships in 
the Bay were given up to be destroyed. The opium 
was of great value, but the lives of so many people 
were far greater. In such an emergency the insulted 
foreigners would have appealed to the Ambassadors or 



CHINESE VIOLENCE. 213 

Consuls of their respective governments, but the haught- 
iness of the Celestial Empire admits no such characters 
in her dominions, although such representatives have 
been acknowledged in every nation from the first dawn 
of civilization. 

The only person holding a public situation is the 
British Superintendant at Canton, who is looked up to 
as the representative of the British interests, and in 
some measure also of the foreign merchants of other 
countries. Mr. Elliot, who held this situation, immedi- 
ately interposed between the oppressed strangers, and 
the Chinese Government. Leaving Macao, he pro- 
ceeded to Canton, depending on his pubhc character : 
but he fared no better than the others, being con- 
fined in his house, and guarded by armed men. In or- 
der to save his life, and those of the merchants suffering 
under this unjust attack, he sent to the owners of the 
opium ships in the bay, requesting them to surrender 
the whole to the Chinese, and guaranteeing them from 
all loss in the name of the British Government — and 
the whole was given up, to the amount of many milUons 
of dollars, and destroyed by the Chinese. 

Now could any nation submit to so violent and out- 
rageous a proceeding ? Suppose some contraband trad- 
ers from Britain were to appear in New York bay, and 
the American government, instead of sending a force 
to capture these intruders, as they would unquestiona- 
bly do, should send Mr. Buchanan to the tombs, along 
with all the British merchants, on whom they could lay 
18* 



21'!' CHINESE WAR. 

their hands, aUhough quite unconnected with these 
illegal transactions, and should say to them : — " Gen- 
tlemen, you must either get these smugglers to deliver 
up their cargoes to be destroyed by us, or we will hang 
you all to-morrow." The worthy Consul we have no 

doubt would act, as Mr. Elliot did. But would it j 

possible to avoid a war between the two countries, i 

after such an outrage, unless satisfaction prompt j 

and complete, was given to the offended party ? It is ^ 

the duty of every country to protect its coasts from ; 

smuggling, and no country has a right to complain of ; 

another, because her subjects are engaged in that \ 

trade. I 

Britain pays an enormous sum for protection to 
her coasts against French goods, but has never com- 
plained to the French Government on the subject j 
Opium is a free article of trade to every country, except | 
China, and any restrictions on its importation to China j 
would only produce a system of false papers, which \ 
would add another bad feature to a contraband trade. | 
It is an article, besides, absolutely indispensable in medi- ' 
cine. The India Company, although they draw a pro- ' 
fit from the production of opium, take no share in ; 
sending it to China. No country in the world is so 
little entitled as China, to ask another to exceed the i 
usual comity of nations, in transactions with her. She j 
has resisted every effort towards that close and inti- 
mate connection, which exists between all the other I 
civilized nations of the earth, and which leads to such ; 



POLICY OF CHINA. 215 

an interchange of views and opinions, to prevent 
misunderstandings which may end in hostile colhsions. 

The Celestial Empire keeps all the world as suppli- 
ants at her gates, and grants them in the most offen- 
sive terms, liberty to trade in a certain way, and within 
certain limits, but haughtily resists every attempt at 
nearer approaches, by which a more complete know- 
ledge of what her policy and views really are, may be 
attained. And yet Britain is blamed for resenting this 
gross outrage on the law of nations. 

Would the American government have submitted to 
such a proceeding ? Certainly not. If some Ameri- 
cans at Canton were rescued by British interference, 
they will of course leave John Bull the trouble and ex- 
pense of redressing the general injury, w^ell knowing 
also, that they and other foreigners, engaged in the 
Chinese trade, wnll share in the benefits of the new and 
more favorable arrangements, which will in all pro- 
babihty be the result of the present difficulties. The 
war has no connection whatever with the continuation 
of the opium trade. It has not even been alleged, that 
in all the attempts at negotiation by Britain, that ques- 
tion has ever been mentioned. No country will be so 
ready as Britain at once to admit, that in every nation 
rests the sole right to say what article it shall receive 
from abroad, and what it shall reject. The war was 
most reluctantly undertaken by Britain, and before do- 
ing so, every effort to obtain redress was rejected with 
disdain, and even a hearing of her complaints denied. 



'216 JUDGE JAY. 

We believe that there is no other instance of such 
instructions being given to the commanders of any 
expedition as the British Government gave in this case, 
viz'-: to carry on warhke operations with the smallest 
possible sacrifice of the lives of the enemy, and the 
least possible annoyance to the inhabitants. These 
instructions were particularly followed up. It is deep- 
ly to be regretted, however, that the treachery and 
repulsiveness of the Chinese authorities, should have 
occasioned a renewal of hostilities, and compelled the 
British commanders to follow up their successes more 
vigorously than they were disposed to do. 

Whatever annoyances may be brought on the 
heads of the inhabitants are to be deplored. They 
must, however, not blame the British Government 
or Commanders for them, but blame their own 
authorities. We trust that this war will soon be 
brought to a termination, and produce favorable re- 
sults in the end to the Chinese people, and to all who 
have intercourse with them. 

We had written these remarks on the Chinese war, 
when a publication on " War and Peace," by Judge 
Jay, was put into our hands. To us, any w^ork with 
that name attached to it, is ever full of interest, and 
we found what is contained in all Mr. Jay's works, 
much good sense, sound principle, and genuine benev- 
olence to mankind. His detestation of war, and ear- 
nest exhortations to cultivate the spirit of peace, and 



JUDGE JAY. 



217 



his plan for averting that curse among the nations, 
must meet the approbation of every right thinking 
man. 

But before pressing these important considerations 
on his countrymen, in relation to their difficulties with 
Britain, he makes a violent attack on the British Gov- 
ernment for their conduct to the Chinese, using terms 
which we would not have expected from him. Such 
an attack from almost any other quarter, we would sup- 
pose to have been done to propitiate the sovereign peo- 
ple, before he could venture to speak the truth in a 
matter relating to themselves. But the high and hon- 
orable ground, on which Judge Jay has ever stood, and 
the independent and fearless manner in which he has 
espoused the cause of freedom, in his " view of the 
action of the Federal Government," in relation to 
slavery, and in other works, place him far above such 
an imputation. 

Dismissing this idea, we are more surprised to find 
the learned judge pronouncing, so emphatically, sen- 
tence on the British Government, without giving such 
a view of the case, as vv^ould enable his readers to ar- 
rive at any correct conclusion. 

An article appeared in the columns of the New 
World, on 19th February, showing beyond all ques- 
tion, the justice, and absolute necessity of such a war 
on the part of Britain. If all had read that able ex- 
pose of the causes of the Chinese war, we should not 
have written one additional word on the subject, but 



218 JUDGE JAY VERSUS SIR ROBERT PEEL. 

as this cannot have been the case, we shall make a 
few remarks on what the learned gentleman has stated. 

Mr. Jay introduces the subject in the following 
manner : 

Sir Robert Peel, the present Premier of Great Bri- 
tain, in a late speech to his constituents, remarked, " I 
do hope that neither this country, nor the United 
States, will be mad enough to allow a difference of 
opinion about a boundary, to set them in a hostile po- 
sition towards each other. Undoubtedly, it is necessa- 
ry for each country to maintain its honor, ybr without 
maintaining its honor, no country is safe" 

" Language like this," says Judge Jay, " was unwor- 
thy the character and station of the gentleman, who used 
it, belonging as it does, by prescriptive right to bar-room 
politicians, and town-meeting demagogues. No coun- 
try safe without maintaining its honor ! Alas, then, 
for Great Britain, for at the very time these words were 
uttered, she was waging against China, one of the most 
dishonorable and detestable wars that has ever stained 
her annals. Indeed it is difficult to point to a war re- 
corded in history waged more directly against the 
health, morals and happiness of a numerous people, or 
from motives more base and sordid, than the British 
opium war ; and yet he who is now the prime agent 
and director of this war talks of the safety of Great 
Britain as resting on the maintenance of her honor.'' 
He afterwards talks of Britain being engaged " at the 
the point of the bayonet in easing the Chinese of their 
purses." 



It seems impossible to read the above passages with- 
out arriving at the painful conclusion, that Judge Jay 
is in a state of almost entire ignorance as to the grounds 
of the war between Britain and China, Every expres- 
sion quoted above, such as war against the health, 
morals and happiness of the people, and then the sor- 
didness of the motives, all lead us to believe that with- 
out examining the matter, the benevolent author has 
imbibed the popular delusion, that Britain has made 
war on the Chinese to compel them to take opium. No 
conclusion more wide from the truth could have been 
arrived at ; Britain never having claimed to interfere 
in the slightest extent with the laws of China respect- 
ing the admission of that or any other article. 

Mr. Jay has given three reasons only, for the opi- 
nion he has formed on this war. First, certain remarks 
in the Eclectic Review. Second, remarks in the 
Christian Observer. Third, the result of a public 
meeting in London, Earl Stanhope in the chair. 

The first two witnesses are unexceptionable, as both 
the works stand deservedly high for talent and sound 
religious principle. The expression of their sentiments 
must have followed the first accounts of the Chinese 
rupture, and arisen from the rooted antipathy that the 
people of Britain have to war. The Eclectic Review 
speaks of the '' wholesale confiscation of the opium. 
and of the" breaking up of the haunts of respectable 
British smugglers," and declares " we have been dealt 
with according to our deserts. May it provoke us to 



220 ECLECTIC AND OBSERVER. - 

repentance and a change of conduct." The Christian 1 
Observer says, " if we must have war, it ought to be \ 
for a more honorable object than that of indemnifying j 
smugglers, Avhen contraband goods were legally seized ] 
and destroyed." \ 

The very extracts given above show that the writers 
were quite uninformed of the true facts of the case ; \ 
that they believed that the Chinese government had 
seized the opium ; and that Britain had gone to war for 
redress. 

The third ground relied on by Mr. Jay carries less , 
weight than the other two, viz. the London meeting- 
In Britain, where freedom really exists, there is no con" ; 
ceivable view which can be taken of a public question, 
which will not find advocates and supporters, especially ■ 
if it be in opposition to the party in power for the time. ^ 
It is not surprising that such a meeting should have 
been got up, on account of a war supposed to have 
been commenced to compel the Chinese to take opium, 
and the excentric Stanhope is just such a person as we 
should expect to make a hasty and raeh decision on a 
great public measure. 

We have probably said enough already on this mat- 
ter, but cannot refrain from making some quotations 
from the article in the New World to which we have 
already alluded. After some pointed remarks on the 
inviolability of the character of an ambassador, or pub- 
lic representative, the article goes on to state " with 
shght intermissions, the English have been tradino- 



OPIUM CHINA TRADE. 221 

with China, for the last two hundred years ; opium 
was first introduced about the middle of the last 
century, and was a legitimate article of trade, at a cer- 
tain fixed duty, until the year 1800, when it was inter- 
dicted by the Chinese Imperial Government. In spite, 
however, of the prohibitory edicts, the importation of 
the drug has continued steadily to increase until in 
1837 it reached the enormous amount of 30,000 
chests. 

" This contraband trade has thus flourished from the 
corrupt connivance of Provincial authorities ; a sort of 
regular established duty, or tax, varying from 65 to 75 
dollars per chest, being openly levied upon it. To- 
wards the end of the year 1838, however, it appears 
that even the provincial authorities could no longer re- 
sist the earnest and urgent instructions from the Impe- 
rial Government atPekin, to put an end to the traffic; 
as about this time they adopted more energetic mea- 
sures with that object, at the same time imposing ad- 
ditional restrictions on the regular trade. A meeting 
of the foreign residents, to consider th<>se restrictions, 
took place on the 17th Dec, at which the following 
remarks were made by her Britannic Majesty's Superin- 
tendent, Elliot : 

^ The present results of that traffic should be short- 
ly stated and considered ; the actual interruption of 
the legal trade ; the seizure and jeopardy of innocent 
men; * * * the distressing degradation of the for- 
eign character ; the painful fact that such courses ex- 
19 



222 SUPERINTENDENT ELLIOT. 

posed us more and more to the just indignation of this 
government and people, and diminished the sympathy 
of our own ; of its futurity, it might be safely predict- 
ed that it would fall into the hands of the reckless, the 
refuse and probably the convicted, of all the countries 
in our neighborhood ; * * * * he could not, how- | 
ever, help indulging the hope that the general repro- 
bation of the whole community would have the effect { 
of relieving him from the performance of a duty on \ 
many accounts extremely painful to him. * * * «= ^ 
To the other foreigners present (those not English) he 
would use the freedom to observe, that he was the i 
only agent in this country whose pursuits were unmix- | 
edly public ; and, so long as he was advocating the ] 
principles of truth and justice in our relations with this i 
government and people, he might take the liberty to ] 
say, that he w^as, in some sense, the representative of i 
their honorable countries as well as his own.' 

^' Here then we have an indignant and unequivocal I 
condemnation of the contraband trade in opium from ! 
the mouth of the representative of that government j 
charged with making war on China to force on its ! 
inhabitants the consumption, hon gre, mal grt, of that I 
infamous drug. It is an easy matter for those writers 
who, scorning the trammels of history and facts, im- 
pute unworthy motives to others, to misrepresent 
acts the most meritorious and honorable; for, as the 
poet says — j 



SUPERINTENDENT ELLIOT. 223 

' A word, a look, 
Needs nothing but a foul interpretation, 
To turn its simple language into shame.' 

*' By the above extract, we have pride also in show- 
ing that Captain Elliot, clothed with all the authority 
of a minister plenipotentiary of Great Britain, was 
desirous of using the influence of his position for the 
benefit of other nations than his own ; and this line of 
conduct, we are happy to say, he heartily pursued dur- 
ing the whole course of the difficulties previous to the 
formal commencement of the war. 

" On the ensuing day Captain Elliot, to give full force 
and effect to the sentiments above expressed, issued 
the following public ^Notice to British Subjects in 
China.' 

' I, Charles ElHot, Chief Superintendent of the trade 
of British subjects in China, moved by urgent consider- 
ations immediately affecting the lives and properties 
of all her Majesty's subjects engaged in the trade at 
Canton, do hereby formally give notice, and require, 
that all British owned schooners, cutters, and other- 
wise rigged small craft, either habitually or occasion- 
ally engaged in the illicit traffic, within the Bocca 
Tigris, should proceed forth out of the same, within 
the space of three days from the date of these pres- 
ents, and not return within the said Bocca Tigris, being 
engaged in the said illicit traffic. 

' And I, the said Chief Superintendent, do further 
give notice and warn all her Majesty's subjects en- 



224- SUPERINTENDENT ELLIOT. 

gaged in the aforesaid illicit opium traffic within the 
Bocca Tigris in such schooners, &c. &c., that if any 
native of the Chinese Empire shall come by his or 
her death by any wound feloniously inflicted by any 
British subject or subjects, any such British subject or 
subjects, being duly convicted thereof, are liable to 
capital punishment as if the crime had been committed 
within the jurisdiction of her Majesty's Courts at 
Westminster. 

' And I, the said Chief Superintendent, do further 
give notice, and warn all British subjects, being own- 
ers of such schooners, &c. &c., that her Majesty's 
Government will in no way interpose if the Chinese 
Government shall think fit to seize and confiscate the 
same. 

^ And I, the said Chief Superintendent, do further 
give notice and warn all British subjects employed in 
said schooners, &c. &c., that the forcible resisting of 
the officers of the Chinese Government in the duty of 
searching and seizing is a lawless act, and that they are 
liable to consequences and penalties, in the same man- 
ner as if the aforesaid forcible resistance were opposed 
to the officers of their own or any other governments 
in their own or in any foreign country. 

• Given under my hand and seal of office at Canton, 
this 18th December, 1838. 

' [Signed,] CHARLES ELLIOT, &c.' " 



PROCEEDINGS AT CANTON. 225 

" On the 17th we had the views and recommenda- 
tions of the Superintendent, but on the 18th we find 
these views and recommendations followed by acts ur- 
gent and energetic, as the above official docmnent 
abundantly proves. Here we learn that the represen- 
tative of the British Government exercised extraordina- 
ry powers, far beyond those invested in any embassa- 
dor or consul that has come under eur notice ; for we 
know no other instance of the English or any other 
government using its power and influence to put in 
force the revenue laws of a foreign country against its 
own citizens ! We find Elliot also threatening British 
subjects with trial by the laws of England, for offences 
committed within the jurisdiction of a foreign power ? 
It would appear, however, that this address produced a 
great sensation among the British residents ; not so 
much on account of the active measures of the Superin- 
tendent to suppress all contraband trade, as for the 
novelty of the doctrines therein contained. For the same 
jealousy of natural rights that first wrested from King 
John the great charter of Enghsh liberties, and which 
has constantly watched with Argus eyes over those 
liberties through several centuries, obliged Mr. Elhot 
to show upon what authority he exercised those extra- 
ordinary powers; as we find that a few days after- 
wards, on 31st December, he issued another notice in 
which he says, * He takes this occasion to republish 
that part of the Act of Parliament and the orders in 
Council upon which his instructions are founded.' In 
19* 



226 PROCEEDINGS AT CANTON. 

the same notice, the Superintendent, as if the inten- 
tions of the British Government had not yet been suf- 
liciently explicit, reiterates them in even stronger 
terms. We will not however try the patience of our 
readers by further extracts on this point ; with the ex- 
ception of the short closing paragraph of that address, 
which is important as showing the cordial support 
which he received from the residents themselves. It is 
in these words : 'It is a source of great support to him 
that the general body of the whole community settled 
at Canton, strongly concur with him in the deprecation 
of this peculiar mischief, and he has not failed to afford 
her Majesty's government the satisfaction of knowing 
that such is the case.' 

" The numerous public documents that appeared in 
those exciting times would furnish many additional 
proofs of the sincere desire of the British Government 
to put an end to this illicit traffic, and of the hearty 
condemnation of that traffic by the majority of the 
foreign residents; but contenting ourselves with the 
above extracts, taken almost at random, we will now 
pass on to the opening act of that grand drama, in which 
two of the greatest powers on the face of the earth play 
the principal parts, — with eager and anxious natives as 
the spectators, — a drama whose denoxiement may have a 
very important influence on a great portion of the 
earth's inhabitants. 

" Early in March, 1839, there arrived at Canton a 
high personage, whose coming had been heralded forth 



COMMISSIONER LIN. 227 

for months before, — we mean High Commissioner Lin. 
Of a remarkably energetic character, as his after pro- 
ceedings proved, he had been chosen by the Emperor 
as the person above all others most eminently qualified 
to put an efTectual stop to the growing evil of the 
opium traffic. Lin received his instructions from the 
Emperor himself, and, it is said, was invested with 
powers such as have only been thrice delegated by the 
monarchs of the present ruling dynasty. He made 
his public entry into Canton with great pomp and pa- 
rade, on the 10th of March ; and, having passed eight 
days in making such inquiries and examinations as he 
considered necessary, to understand the position of af- 
fairs, he issued on the 18th an edict, addressed to 
' Foreigners of all Nations,' requiring them first to 
deliver up to him, to be destroyed, all the opium in 
their possession, or on board any ship in the Chinese 
waters ; next requiring them to give bonds to the ef- 
fect — -' That those vessels that shall hereafter resort 
hither, will never again dare to bring opium with them ; 
and that, should any be brought, as soon as discovery 
shall be made of it, the goods shall be forfeited to 
government, and the parties shall suffer the extreme 
penalties of the law, and that such punishment shall be 
willingly submitted to'- — threatening them, in case of 
nonfulfilment of his orders and the conditions imposed 
on them, with the severe course of punishment pre- 
scribed by the new law. Lin condescendingly allowed 
three days for the foreigners to prepare an answer to 
his edict and to send it to him. 



] 

1 
228 PROCEEDINGS OF LIN. ' 

^' Simultaneous vyith this edict Lin issued instructions ■ 
that no foreigner should be permitted to leave Canton ; \ 
a day or two after all commercial business was stopped, 1 
and, the native servants being first withdrawn, the i 
foreigners, made prisoners in their own factories, were i 
surrounded on all sides by armed men. Elliot at this : 
time was at Macao, but, on being informed of these I 
occurrences, he immediately repaired to Canton in his ; 
Cutter, where he arrived on the 24th, closely followed ' 
by war boats or cruisers. Immediately on his landing, ] 
the Chinese authorities issued orders to close more ef- \ 
fectually every pass round the factories ; the entrances \ 
to the square were shut up and strongly guarded ; and \ 
where, during the previous days of their imprisonment, I 
a few men had been placed to watch the foreigners \ 
and prevent their escape, large companies of armed j 
men were now stationed, and along the river a triple I 
cordon of boats filled with armed men was drawn, i 
Soldiers also were stationed on the roofs of the ad- i 
joining houses. 

" In this ignominious position, closely watched and 
imprisoned, and dependent entirely on the tender mer- 
cies of Lin for their daily supplies of food and water, \ 
all the foreign residents remained for the tedious period 
of more than seven weeks. For a short and concise j 
account of the high-handed measures of Lin toward 
these defenceless strangers, we prefer to refer our read- i 
ers to an indignant remonstrance addressed by Elliot i 
to the Emperor shortly after their release, as such doc- ' 



V IMPRISONMENT OF EUROPEANS. 229 

uments, bearing the stamp of official authority, are 
more hkely to gain credit than the simple narrative of 
an unknown individual. Elliot commences by protest- 
ing against Lin's having caused official notices to be 
publicly placarded and sent to the English ships, ' in- 
citing the English merchants, commanders, and seamen, 
to disregard his lawful injunctions issued in the name 
of his gracious sovereign' — (Elliot having, a few days 
previous, in the name of the Queen, enjoined all Brit- 
ish subjects to leave Canton, and to refrain from trading 
with the Chinese, on the ignominious conditions impos- 
ed by the High Commissioner.) The Superintendent 
then goes on to inform the Emperor of the motives 
w^hich ' compelled him to require the merchants of his 
nation to leave Canton, and the ships no longer to re- 
turn within the Bocca Tigris,' he proceeds as follows ; 
w^e give his own language : 

" On the 24th of March last, Elliot repaired to Can- 
ton, and immediately proposed to put an end to the 
state of difficulty and anxiety then existent, by the 
faithful fulfilment of the Emperor's will : and he re- 
spectfully asked that he and the rest of the foreign 
community might be set at liberty, in order that he 
might calmly consider and suggest adequate remedies 
for the evils so justly denounced by his Imperial Ma- 
jesty. He was answ^ered by a close imprisonment of 
more than seven weeks, wdth armed men day and 
night before his gates, under threats of privation of 
food, tvaier, and life. Was this becoming treatment 



230 Elliot's nEMONSTRANCE. 

of the officers of a friendly nation, recognized by the 
Emperor, and who had always performed his duty 
peaceably and irreproachably, striving in all things to 
afford satisfaction to the provincial government 1 
When it thus became plain that the Commissioner was 
resolved to cast aw^ay all moderation, Elliot knew that 
it was incumbent upon him to save the imperial digni- 
ty, and prevent some shocking catastrophe on the per- 
sons of an imprisoned foreign officer, and two hundred 
defenceless merchants. For these reasons of prevail- 
ing force, he demanded from the people of his nation 
all the English opium in their hands, in the name of 
his Sovereign, and delivered it over to the Commis- 
sioners, amounting to 20,283 chests. That matter re- 
mains to be settled between the two courts. 

' But how will it be possible to answer the Emperor 
for this violation of his gracious will, that these difficult 
affairs should be managed with thoughtful wisdom, and 
with tenderness to the men from afar ? What will be the 
feelings of the most just Prince of his illustrious dynas- 
ty, when it is made manifest to him by the command of 
her Britannic Majesty, that the traffic in opium has been 
chiefly encouraged and protected by the highest officers 
of the Empire, and that no portion of the foreign trade 
to China has paid its fees to the officers with so much 
regularity as this of opium ! ! Terrible, indeed, will 
be His Imperial Majesty's indignation, when he learns 
that the obligations into which the High Commission- 
ers entered, under his seal, to the officers of a foreign 



Elliot's remonstrance. 231 

nation, were all violated ! The servants were not faith- 
fully restored w^hen one-fourth of the opium was deliver- 
ed : the boats were not permitted to run when one-half 
was delivered : the trade was not really opened when 
three-fourths were delivered ; and the last pledge, that 
things should go on as usual, when the whole was de- 
livered, has been falsified by the reduction of the fac- 
tories to a prison with one outlet, the expulsion of six- 
teen persons, some of them who never dealt in opium 
at all, some clerks, one a lad, and the proposal of novel 
and intolerable regulations. 

' Can a great moral and political revolution be ef- 
fected at the sacrifice of all the principles of truth, mo- 
deration, and justice ? Or is it believed that these spo- 
liatory proceedings will extinguish the traffic in opium ? 
Such hopes are futile, or the Emperor has been de- 
ceived.' 

" We will make no further extracts in proof of the se- 
veral points we have assumed ; let those who dispute 
them disprove the facts alleged : we have, we think, 
brought forward testimony sufficiently valid to show 
not only the want of connivance of the British govern- 
ment at the opium traffic, but such gross and unmerit- 
ed indignities by the Chinese authorities toward the 
British Superintendent and other residents, as no inde- 
pendent nation can with honor submit to. If those 
writers, who have so warmly denounced England in the 
affair, instead of lavishing all their Christian sympathy 
on a Pagan nation, had shown a little charity to their 



TRUTH VERSUS ARCTURUS. 



Christian brethren, by condescending to inquire into the 
real facts of the case, they might have found that, 
strange as it may seem, England could be once in the 
right ! The most prominent characteristic of every ar- 
ticle that has come under our notice, professing to enter 
into the merits of the question, has been a profound ig- 
norance of the subject. In corroboration of this pre- 
vailing ignorance we would refer to the city article of 
the Arcturus for January last, in which the writer ad- 
ministers the usual dose of virulent abuse of England, 
but directs his angry indignation especially to horrible 
atrocities committed by the British soldiery on taking 
possession of Canton, which w^e learn from him was 
" given up to sack and pillage, to the conflagration of 
its homes and temples, to the plunder of its property, to 
the violation of its chaste mothers and wives and daugh- 
ters." Now, in this statement of horrors, one principal 
ingredient is wanting, and that is truth, and, while wx 
regret that the writer should put himself into a fever by 
beating the air so lustily, we have much pleasure in in- 
forming him that those deeds of horror which seemed 
to move him so deeply, are but the offspring of his own 
imagination. Canton has not been entered by a single 
British soldier, so far as intelligence has yet reached us 
— and the sack and pillage and conflagration and plun- 
der and violation spoken of, he alone is responsible for. 
It was once said by Talleyrand of a celebrated physician, 
that he knew a little of everything, even of 7nedicine. 
We would change the expression somewhat, and say 



CAUSES OF THE CHINESE WAR. 233 

of this writer, that he may know a great deal of other 
things, but he knows nothing of the subject he at- 
tempts to discuss. 

" We beUeve then that we have made out, that the 
following charges against the Chinese government are 
founded in truth and justice : 

" The abrupt stoppage of the whole legal trade of the 
port of Canton ; 

" The close imprisonment, for more than seven weeks, 
of Her Majesty's Superintendent, and of all foreigners 
without distinction, alike the dealers in opium and the 
many honorable merchants who had ever yielded a 
willing and scrupulous obedience to the laws ; 

" The open and undisguised threats to hold foreigners 
responsible with their lives for the surrender of the 
opium, and for any future infraction of the Chinese 
laws; 

" The obtaining, through this forcible detention and 
those threats, the surrender of property to the value of 
from ten to fifteen millions of dollars ; 

" The attempt to force foreigners to sign bonds, render- 
ing not only themselves, but all others going to China, 
over whom they have no control, liable to the same 
penalties ; and, on the refusal on the part of the foreign- 
ers to sign such bonds, in the promulgation of an edict 
by the High Commissioner, declaring the determination 
of the government to enforce such penalty ; 

" The treacherous non-fulfilment, by High Commis- 
sioner Lin, of the promise made to the Superintendent 
20 



•234f ENGLAND VINDICATED. 

as to the re-opening of the trade, &c. on the surrender 
of the opium." 

We have extracted largely from the New World, on 
account of the distinctness and excellence of the 
article, and shall just add one passage more. " We 
have given we think, a fair history of the violent 
injuries and indignities in which the war originated; 
let those who declaim so loudly against the conduct of 
England, either disprove the facts we have brought 
forward, or failing in this, prove their insufficiency to 
provoke a war : there would be some show of right 
in such a course ; but the system hitherto pursued, of 
wholesale denunciation,where the most important points 
are suppressed, is as easy as it is unjust and ungene- 
rous. By such asystem, in a community ignorant in 
a great measure of the history of the transactions, it 
would not be difficult to throw a dark shade of infamy 
over the ablest struggle for human rights." 

Is it necessary to say more on this question ? Can this 
trade be strictly compared to any other case of smuggling ? 
It is a case entirely sui generis. For thirty-seven years 
after the first prohibition by the Emperor, it has been 
carried on, on payment of a regular duty to the pro- 
vincial authorities, without any serious attempt to stop 
it. During that time American merchants participated 
largely in it. 

If the state of New York were to grant regular per- 
mission to allow certain articles to be imported on pay- 



DEFINITION OF HONOR. 235 

ment of certain duties, although there had been an act 
of Congress against it, who can believe that there 
would not be abundance of vessels arriving with the 
needful supplies; and if Congress should for nearly 
forty years allow this law to remain a dead letter on 
the statute book, who would not beheve, either that the 
federal government had no wish, or had not the ability 
to enforce their decree, and that the power with which 
they had to treat was the state of New York alone. 

We know not where Judge Jay got his information 
about the cruelties said to have been committed by the 
British troops at Chusan. It is directly in opposition to 
all other accounts which have hitherto appeared, and is 
entirely opposed to the humane instructions sent out 
by the British government. ^ 

Mr. Jay quarrels with Sir Robert Peel for speaking 
about maintaining the honor of the country, and says 
that such a phrase belongs " to bar-room politicians^ 
and town-meeting demagogues." But what language, 
however just and appropriate, may not be applied to a 
bad use 1 The great enemy of mankind could quote 
scripture. Are we on that account to cast aside scrip- 
tural language ? We know that a counterfeit honor 
has been introduced into society, and been made 
to sanction such crimes as duelling, and other propen- 
sities of honorable men. But in its legitimate sense, and 
regarding it as meaning that respect from the world 
which must fiow from a firm maintenance of national 
rights, we contend that the expression is good. These 



236 ABOLITION OF SLAVE TRADE. 

national rights must be in strict accordance with that 
law, which enjoins us " to love our neighbor as our- 
selves," or the maintenance of them can be attended j 
with no real honor to any country. And in that sense j 
only could the expression have been used by the British | 
Premier. It is singular that while Mr. Jay condemns him ' 
for using that expression, he proceeds immediately to jus- ; 
tify the use of it, by accusing the British nation of a vio- 
lation of honor in their conduct to China. He first de- , 
nies the standard, and then proceeds to square his re- ' 
marks by an appeal to that very standard. Verily this 
is a singular kind of reasoning of the worthy Judge. | 
A great difficulty seems to have occurred to him, j 
while writing his article on the Chinese war, which ; 
is thus expressed : " To some it may seem paradoxical, ' 
that the same government which has exhibited such a ^ 
sublime devotion to the rights of the negro, should be 
so callous to the well being of the Chinese. The solu- 
tion is easy. The opium war is a government 
measure adopted by politicians, and probably with the 
expectation of receiving political support in return from 
the East India interest; precisely as certain northern 
members in Congress, in obedience to southern dicta- 
tion, and in consideration of southern votes, trample 
upon the right of petition, and do many other things 
they ought not. The abolition of slavery and the 
slave trade, on the contrary, so far from originating 
wdth the government, were demanded by the people of 
Great Britain in a voice which their rulers were afraid 



ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 237 

to disregard. Mr. Stanley, one of the ministry, in 
supporting the Emancipation Bill in the House of Com, 
mons, declared that so loudly was it called for by the 
public, ' that no ministry could retain office who refus- 
ed it.' " 

We regret to find Mr. Jay falling into an error, 
which is shared by some abolitionists, who while 
they cannot avoid acknowledging what Britain has 
done for the unfortunate and injured Africans, speak of 
it as done by the British philanthropists, or the British 
people, thus placing them in contrast with the 
Government, which they seem to allege can do noth- 
ing right. Nothing can be more unfair, or show how 
difficult it is to get the smallest portion of justice to 
Britain awarded within the United States. 

A glance at the past history of anti-slavery exertions 
in Britain will sufficiently show how much the people 
and government are at one on the question. 

There can be no reason to doubt the sincerity of Mr. 
Pitt in his desire to put an end to the atrocious slave 
trade. But he was restrained by other members of 
his cabinet, by the West India interest in parharaent, 
and by a large portion of the community who were 
afraid to make what they thought an experiment of a 
dangerous character, while the country was engaged in 
so serious a war. 

The death of Pitt early in 1806 entirely changed the 
scene. The Tory ministry broke up, and was succeeded 
by the Grey and Grenville Whig Administration. 
20* 



238 WHia STATESMEN. 

It was soon made apparent that no fear for conse- 
quences deterred that wise and virtuous ministry, from 
the performance of w^hat they considered to be their 
duty to the country and to the world. With a narrow 
majority in the House of Commons, they at once car- 
ried through that great work of justice, which Pitt, in 
the plenitude of his power, and wdth his overwhelming 
majorities, had either been unable or was afraid to push 
to its consummation, and in 1807, the slave trade was 
for ever prohibited to British subjects. No greater 
efforts were then made from vdthout, by Mr. Wilber- 
force and his friends, than they had often done before; 
and who then cast the scale ? It was the Whig states- 
men of England. Is not this historical fact, and well 
known to many living witnesses ? 

And who passed the West India Emancipation Act 
in 1834 ? The same class of statesmen who passed 
the act of 1807, and some of them the same individ- 
uals. The same Charles Grey, who was First Lord of 
the Admiralty in 1806 and '7, was Prime Minister in 
1834. The same Lord Henry Petty, who was Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer in the first period, was, when 
Marquis of Lansdown, a leading Cabinet minister in 
1834. And Lord Holland, the nephew of Fox, held 
office in both administrations, and gave his powerful 
assistance to both those glorious acts. These illustrious 
and consistent statesmen exhibited to the world, that 
they did not hold one set of opinions w^hen out of power, 
and another when the seals of oflSce w^ere committed 
to their care. 



WHIG STATESMEN. 239 

They had remained out of office for nearly half a 
century, excepting the thirteen months of Whig rule 
in 1806— '7. They retired when the liberal measures 
they contemplated for the Irish Catholics could not be 
accomplished, and after a lapse of twenty-seven years, 
and with all their ripened experience, several who had 
done much to carry the first great measure in favor 
of the Africans, faithful to their principles, nobly finish- 
ed their good work, by setting free the West India 
slaves. 

But the Government were forced into the measure, 
says Mr. Jay, by fear of the people. What ! were 
Lushington, O'Connell, Jeffrey, Buxton, or McAulay, 
firm supporters of the Ministry, or members of the ad- 
ministration, influenced hy fear to accomplish the 
work which they had toiled and struggled through life 
to bring to a favorable termination ? Did any man do 
more for the cause than Henry Brougham, and did he 
exhibit any fear when he put the finishing hand, as 
Chancellor of England, to what he had so anxiously 
labored to accomplish ? The very men who, as states- 
men, finished this great act of national justice, were 
the very men who had done most for it out of doors, 
and who had contributed most to awaken the public 
mind to their duty in regard to it. Every person we 
have mentioned, was a Whig statesman or politician 
from his youth upwards. 

The Tory party also contained many warm and in- 
fluential friends of abolition, both in Parliament and 



240 WHIGS AND TORIES. 

out of it. The treaties with Spain and Portugal for 
the suppression of the slave trade, and the payments 
made to these powers, were done by a Tory adminis- 
tration. The laws and orders in Council, restraining 
the slave proprietors from the exercise of some of their 
powers over their slaves, w^ere also passed under the 
same regime. The regulations introduced in 1823, 
respecting the observance of the Sabbath and the powd- 
er of the lash, must ever reflect credit on the memory 
of George Canning; and the distinct, humane and be- 
nevolent directions of Lord Bathurst, then Colonial 
Secretary, confer honor on that department of gov- 
ernment. 

Accustomed to be too much guided by precedents, 
and restrained by the cold and chilling influence of such 
minds as Lord Eldon's, the Tories were ever afraid to 
go to the root of any disease under which the institu- 
tions of the country labored. Humane and just men 
among them often shrunk from oppression, when it was 
vividly exhibited to them. They would remedy the 
particular evil complained of, but they recoiled from 
the use of such a remedy as would for ever prevent a re- 
currence of these evils. The Whig statesmen took a 
higher and more extended view of their duty, and the 
moment the opportunity presented itself, they for ever 
blotted out the enormity of West India slavery ; and 
whether justice is done to them now or not, posterity 
will yet inscribe their names among the greatest ben- 
efactors of the human race. 



JUDGE jay's work. 241 

It is in vain for Mr. Jay to compliment the people 
of Britain at the expense of the government. No 
public measure was ever brought about where less par- 
ty or pohtical spirit was mixed up, or which received 
more generally the approbation of all classes of the 
British public. And since the causes of the Chinese 
war have been known, no party would now speak of 
it in the way Mr. Jay has done. The long forbear- 
ance of Britain before they would strike the blow — 
the absolute impossibility of having any power to me- 
diate, where the complaints of the aggrieved party 
were not even allowed to be heard, must satisfy every 
reflecting mind that the only course left was war. It 
is true Britain might have submitted to the loss, to the 
insult and degradation, and for ever withdrawn from 
all intercourse with the Chinese Empire. But could 
their Indian Empire have been maintained after such a 
proceeding ? Impossible. 

We join Mr. Jay in his condemnation of war, and 

are confident that if as much spirit of conciliation as 

was exhibited towards the Chinese, had been exhibited 

by Lord North and WilUam Pitt, the two capital errors 

in the reign of George Third, viz. the American war. 

and the French war of 1793, never would have been 

committed. 

There are some singular statements in Mr. Jay's work. 

He speaks of a second rupture and contest between 

Prussia and France, which never occurred, making 

the termination of it take place with the treaty of 



242 

i 

Luneville in ISOl, when Prussia had in fact retired from , 
the contest seven years before, and never renewed the ; 
war till 1806, when the fatal battle of Jena was fought. 

In condemning Britain's warlike propensities, he i 
notices the negotiations commenced by Napoleon, but ] 
entirely omits the anxious and sincere proposals for 
peace by the British ministry in 1806, when Lord Lau- 
derdale was sent over to Paris, which proposals Bo- 
naparte broke off with the greatest rudeness, when he 
was about to set out on his campaign against the Prus- \ 
sians. | 

The following singular passage in Mr. Jay's work, | 
we cannot avoid noticing. Page 68 :— " The power of 
Napoleon was indeed checked, and finally destroyed, 
but not by the arms of England ; and his banishment ; 
to Elba was effected almost without the aid of a Brit- ; 
ish musket." Every one who knows the history will 
be lost in astonishment at such a statement. 

The last blow struck against Bonaparte in 1814, , 
was by the British at Toulouse, who, with a large force • 
of British and Peninsular soldiers, had cut their way : 
into the heart of France. In fact, the drain of the 
French military had been as great in Spain, and as : 
much the cause of Bonaparte's downfall, as his losses | 
in Russia or Germany. We conclude our remarks on i 
Judge Jay's work, with a most cordial w^ish that the 
plan of settling national differences suggested by him, 
may be soon adopted. j 

We now return to Mr. Lester, ; 



WEST INDIA EMANCIPATION. 243 

We have already alluded to his lukewarmness in the 
cause of the abolition of slavery, and we cannot pro- 
duce a stronger poof of his heartlessness on that sub- 
ject, than his remarks on the glorious Act of West In- 
dia Emancipation. In the 1st volume, p. 109, he says : 
" The emancipation of 800,000 slaves in the British 
Colonies was very noble, considered as an act of hu- 
mane legislation, and the result has been, all that the 
friends of that act could have anticipated. This is the 
united voice of hundreds who have gone there to see 
the working of the experiment, and Parliament has 
confirmed their statements, that freedom has worked 
well. But still there is a consideration connected 
even with this glorious act, not a little painful. The 
j£20,000,000, which were the price of taking off the 
fetters of colonial slavery, have only increased the bur- 
den of the already crushed working classes of England. 
That great sum has swollen the national debt, before 
so enormous, still more, and there is some force in the 
saying of the Chartists, that the English people have 
paid the Throne £20,000,000 for sending ships to the 
Colonies, to bring back cast aside negro fetters, to be 
fastened on themselves at home." 

Seldom has a passage so utterly base and heartless 
as this fallen under our observation. Does this man 
dare to compare the case of a small fraction of taxation, 
which he supposes the working man to pay towards the 
interest of the twenty millions, with the inestimable 
blessing conveyed to 800,000 of our fellow men, of re- 



24.4 WEST INDIA EMANCIPATION. 

relief from slavery, bodily, mental and moral ? The 
lanscuao^e of freedom from the mouth of a man such as 
this bespeaks the writer to be, is the very essence of 
mockery. There is not in the history of the world an 
act to be compared with West India Emancipation, for 
moral grandeur. But it is little understood here. 
Money to an immense amount was freely given from a 
sense of justice alone. Some have doubted the purity 
of the motive. This man ventures not to do so, but 
along with a few wicked and unprincipled men called 
Chartists, he sets up a whine about adding to the na- 
tional debt. 

No new taxes were levied when the emancipation 
bill was passed ; on the contrary the sugar duties were 
greatly reduced on that very year. But why not lament 
over the injury to the British people, from the vast 
amount of their capital which has been expended by 
Southern slaveholders in ruinous and extravagant pro- 
jects, or in profligate and profuse personal expenditure ? 
This is a theme worthy of being dwelt upon, for alas ! it 
has been lost, and done little good to any one. How dif- 
ferent the delightful reflection attending the twenty 
million expenditure ! 

We close this head by noticing the goodly prospect 
held out by this Delegate's views of American Aboli- 
tion. In vol. 2d, p. 50, he says — " One more item will 
close what I have to say about India." 

The planter will say — " Well, suppose we do eman- 
cipate our negroes ? If what you have said be true, I 



TRIMMING FOLIC r. 245 

am a ruined man. For although slavery is an expen- 
sive system, yet with free labor, we cannot compete 
with cotton raised by laborers forced to work for six 
pence a day or starve ? To which our author replies, 
" I think, my good sir, you are not a ruined man, though 
you should liberate your slaves -, you would expect, of 
course, to receive compensation for them when given 
up ; and no law, I admit, would justly demand their 
release, without a fair compensation ; and the moment 
you perform so wise, humane, and generous an act, you 
will find by experience, the superior economy of free 
over slave labor." 

There is an abolitionist ! — see how gently he deals 
^^with the lad.'' " My good sir," is his language to the 
buyer and seller of souls and bodies. Not one appeal to 
conscience, but smoothing and searing that conscience 
with the impression, that there is no call on him to part 
with his bondsmen, till the price is paid : well does he 
know that the price cannot be paid by this country, that 
they have not the means, and that unless there is a 
mighty change in the people, they would not part with 
the means, if they had them to bestow. But if they 
are paid, where would be the generosity of the act ? 
Let the Rev. Gentleman explain that. 

Compensation ! Yes the British nation gave what 
is called a compensation, and for ever prevented the en- 
emies of freedom saying, that they had done a noble 
act at the expense of others. But we could have ad- 
ded another compensation clause; that the planters 
21 



245 SLAVE COMPENSATION^ 

should have given half the money they received from 
the generosity of the British people, to the survivors of 
those who had suffered for generations under the hor- 
rors of West India slavery. That would be a part of 
our compensation bill, if such shall ever be passed 
in the United States. We would not send them away 
empty handed. But alas ! the chains will not be broken 
in this way. Yet we indulge a hope that the roused 
consciences of the Southern proprietors, will do what 
we shall look for in vain from the avowed principles oi 
such Northern abolitionists as the author of " the Glory 
and Shame of England." 



CHAPTER XIIL 

GENERAL COMPARISON OF ENGLAND AND THE 
UNITED STATES. 

We shall make some remarks in the way of contrast 
between the government and people of England, and 
those of the United States. We intend to call things 
by their right names. But before doing so, we shall 
make some farther extracts from the abusive and inso- 
lent work, entitled "The Glory and Shame of England." 

We repeat that if this work had not been adopted and 
praised by so many literary and religious publications in 
this country, we should have abstained from some of the 
remarks which follow. In volume 1, p. 141, it is said, 
" To talk of English happiness, is like talking of Spar- 
tan freedom — the Helots are overlooked." Page 143, 
" The life of an English operative is a perpetual scene 
of suffering and wrong." Page 148, " But I believe 
Parliament has never on such occasions, given to the 
people any more liberty or justice, than they were 
obhged to ; conceding just enough to bribe the masses 
into silence for the time. This is the policy of men 
who tame wild beasts ; they give them food to stop 
their savage ravings, but to enfeeble them by hunger as 
much as they dare, that they may be the more easily 
controlled." 



248 ABUSE OF ENGLISH LADIES. 

" Would free Americans brook such a government." 
'' Parliament has never yet granted the subjects of the 
British Crown, what are called inalienable rights with 
us." Page 174, " The people of England were never 
more ripe for a revolution." 

Vol. 2, page 24. In addressing a supposed English 
lady of rank and title, he says ': " A word in your ear' 
aye in your ivory turned ear, where hang those diamond 
drops. Why, those sparkling pendants were bought 
with money robbed from these same beggars — that 
ghttering necklace, ' which Jews might kiss, and infi- 
dels adore,' believe it or not, is wrung from the hard 
hands of starving peasants ; and every ring on those 
taper fingers, has famished a family of your fellow 
creatures. Every birth day dress has driven a sister 
to the streets^ and there is not a ball at Almack's which 
is given at a less cost than alone fills the brothel ;" 
" there are three half naked urchins thrust out of their 
mother's house to steal for bread I that is your doing." 
Page 274, " It matters little, what nick-name a robber 
has, the world only thinks the worse of you for being a 
duke, when you steal from God's poor." 

A foreign Journalist is quoted with approbation in 
the same page, who says, " Coarse and insolent Bri- 
tain ! raze from your country's shield the noble lion, 
and place in its stead, a squalid and starving wretch, 
vainly imploring a rrwrsel of hread.^' In page 279- 
" But the time is at hand, when the money so long rob- 
bed from the poor, to support the carriage of the squire, 



REVOLUTIONARY LANGUAGE. '24^ 

gild the coronet of the peer, deck the jewelled throng 
of Almack's perfumed halls, shall provide for the 
wretched a home ; where cheerful faces shall beam with 
honest joy around loaded tables, where the voice of 
health and salvation shall be heard ; and where the 
rich man shall trouble them no more.'' 

What a mercy it is, that Utica is so far beyond the 
patroon of Albany's extensive domains, or it might 
have been time for him to look after this amiable and 
Rev. revolutionist ! 

Again, we are told, in page 281, " I had so long wit- 
nessed* the oppressions and sufferings of the English 
people, that I longed to step once more upon the free 
soil of my childhood, and thank the God of my fathers^ 
with heartfelt gratitude, that I had a free home to go 
to." Page 284. " Much has been said against Crom- 
well, but none will deny that it was under his splendid 
administration, English liberty assumed its broadest 
character." And in speaking of the Puritans, " England 
was unconscious at the time, that the greatest of her 
offspring w^ere taking with them, the fruits of that revo- 
lution to a forest home, where they would rear an em- 
pire, that could not be conqueretl" In p. 288, " It is 
as certain, that the Enghsh government will be over- 
thrown, as that it is God's sublime purpose, to eman- 
cipate a long fettered world, unless she shall cease her 
obstinate and blind opposition to the progress of free- 
dom, and grant the people justice." 

» Query, was ii f(ynr oi Jive weeks, 
21* 



250 Lester's liberty car. 

'' No man who feels in his own soul the lofty spirit 
of the age, and tracks the. progress of the Car of Li- 
berty, as it rolls among the nations, can believe that 
England will be able much longer to breast herself up 
against the advancement of humanity." "The majestic 
movements of Providence can be clearly seen ; a train of 
causes are in operation too mighty to be resisted by 
the crumbling thrones of despotism." In p. 289, " Am- 
bition and injustice have made up the history of her 
diplomacy for centuries past," and in winding up, in 
p. 293, " Let her remember too, that a power greater 
than her own has left no trace of its existence in Italy ; 
and that the barbarian's steed long ago made his man- 
o;er in the golden house of Nero." 

What a mass of vulgar raving and abuse is here — 
England is about to be destroyed — Carthago delenda 
est. The Rev. Mr. Lester, who has felt the lofty spirit 
of the age, who has taken a journey in the car of liber- 
ty, as it rolls along among the natives, has pronounced 
sentence, and that is enough. Let us pause for a little 
and examine what symptoms appear in that country to 
indicate the predicted downfall. No nation ever fell 
without exhibiting symptoms of such downfall neither 
few nor equivocal. Let us trace her history since the 
peace of 1815. 

After such a war as the world never witnessed, 
Britain came out of the contest crowned with victory. 
But the wounds she had received were many and se- 
vere. A load of debt was left on her shoulders, un- 



RESTORATION OF BRITISH CURRENCY. 251 

known to history in ancient or modern times. Her 
very first step was to restore her currency of silver and 
gold, which had been much deteriorated during the war. 
This was done in 1817, and it has ever since been in 
full and copious supply, for all the wants of the coun- 
try. Her next was to restore her paper currency to 
the standard of gold, and this was also effected in 
1821, and from that time to this, every bank bill has 
been payable in specie, on demand. 

The attention of the British public had been intense- 
ly engaged during the war in defending their national 
independence and existence. They now^ turned their 
attention to those organic changes in the constitution 
which the lapse of time and change of circumstances 
rendered necessary. Every movement in that direction 
was steadily opposed by the Tory party, who had a 
deep personal interest in maintaining the rotten 
borough system of representation. No progress was 
made for some years, and on the contrary, from 1817 
to 1820, from the distress of the operatives producing 
some disturbances, a system of espionage w^as intro- 
duced, and laws were passed unfavorable to liberty, 
and free discussion. 

In 1822, a great change took place, and a more 
liberal administration succeeded, chiefly under the auspi- 
ces of Canning, and the obnoxious laws were soon 
after all repealed. From this time to 1830 a variety 
of beneficial changes were effected, and many taxes were 
abolished, and a great reduction of national expenditure 



252 MODERN IMPHOVEMEIs'TS. 

effected. The Test, and Corporation Acts, which had 
long been felt as a grievance by the Dissenters were 
repealed, and the Act of Catholic emancipation passed. 

In 1830 George 4th died, and was succeeded by his 
honest, and hberal minded brother, William. The 
Whigs came into office in the same year, and the great 
Reform Bill passed in 1832, annihilating those boroughs 
which had fallen into decay, and extending the elec- 
tive franchise generally to householders, whose rents 
were L. 10 per annum and upwards. This measure 
has been followed by others of vast importance to the 
country, and to the civilized world. The most search- 
ing inquiries have been made into every branch of 
income and expenditure of the revenue, and many ad- 
ditional reductions effected — the Poor Laws have been 
improved. Education encouraged and extended, and 
the Church reformed. 

India has received many of the benefits, already 
noticed, within that time. The Chinese trade has 
been thrown open. The noble act abolishing slave- 
ry in the West Indies has been completed. Britain 
had bought the consent of Spain and Portugal to aban- 
don the slave trade, and has ever since been unwearied 
in her endeavors, and at much expense, to destroy that 
atrocious trade. She has sent an expedition to Africa, 
to sow the seeds of civilization and knowledge. She 
has passed many bills in favor of the working classes. 
Factory, children, colliers, and even chimney sweep 
boys have alike received the protecting care of the 
British Parliament. 



BRITISH POLICY — PACIFIC. 253 

By prompt and decisive measures Britian stopt the 
effusion of blood in the East, and instead of catching the 
inflammatory spark raised in France, she looked on 
coolly, until the violence of Thiers and his followers 
had expended itself, and then held out the hand of 
friendship to her irritated and excitable neighbors. 

In like manner, when Andrew Jackson sent forth his 
furious message about the French, the British govern- 
ment at once come forward, frankly and cordially, with 
an offer of mediation between the contending parties. 

If these things are symptoms of national decline, we 
shall at once yield the point to the Rev. calumniator 
of Great Britain. If all the evils which afflict huma- 
nity have not been remedied by the British Parliament, 
it is from no want of will. Whatever the working 
classes suffer, arises from causes over which neither gov- 
ernment nor legislature can exercise control. 

When people suffer, they frequently look in the 
wrong direction for the cause. Britain has an over- 
grown population of twenty-seven millions, including 
Ireland, and vast numbers of them are in large towns. 

Her manufacturing population have been deep suf- 
ferers, from her connection with the United States, as 
we have already shown. It is rather too much to hear 
the working people of Europe styled, in the slang of 
the American journals, European paupers, even by 
some from whom better things might have been expect- 
ed, when the severest blow^ they have ever received was 
from the amount of British capital profligately spent 
by the United States. 



254- DISTRESS IN BRITAIN. 

The only exception, of consequence, to the improved 
measures, which the British Parhament ought to have 
passed, is the alteration of the corn laws. We have 
no doubt that a change is also at hand in regard to 
them, notwithstanding the accession of the Tories 
to power.* But come that change when it may, it 
will be found to work no charm on the condition of 
the working man. The change it will effect on the 
price of corn will be little felt by him, and this, like 
many other popular delusions, which have had their 
day, will soon go " to the tomb of all the capulets." 

But, as already noticed, material good will be done, 
by lessening the fluctuations, which prevail to such an 
extent under the present system. Such a change will 
benefit the land owner, the farmer, and the consumer. 
We ask our author's pardon. The rich are to trouble 
the poor no more. We should not have mentioned the 
land owner. But we hope to be excused, being old- 
fashioned in our views. 

But we are told that the distress in Britain is past en- 
durance, and all is attributed to the Government and 
aristocracy. We have already expressed our belief 
that if all were known, much distress would be found 
also, in the United States. 

We have just taken up the Tribune of 31st Decera- 

* Since the above was written, Sir Robert Peel's plan has been 
brought out, which will make importation more free, but it does 
not go far enough, leaving the duties too high, and will ultimate- 
ly give no satisfaction to the country. 



DISTRESS IN NEW YORK. 255 

ber, and find the following appeal, which we presume 
is from the pen of Mr. Greely, whose heart is always 
in the right place, and his head too, excepting when 
advocating the absurd and antiquated doctrines of '' the 
protective system." 

" Remember the Poor, 
" The cheerless influences of winter are upon us — 
the season which has stern features even for the 
thrifty and the affluent, but whose fiercest frowns are 
reserved for the destitute and the poor — and shall we 
not think, amid the festivities, the friendly greetings of 
to-morrow, of the condition of those sad-browed 
children of humanity — those step-children of a harsh 
and sullen world 1 Who can refrain from calhng often 
to mind the condition of this large class of our fellow 
citizens, the comfortless and famishing ? Who will 
not consider, that there are at this moment, fromx 
thirty to fifty thousand human beings in our city, who 
are destitute of the means of a week's comfortable 
subsistence, many of whom will rise up this morning 
in despair of obtaining food for the opening day, and 
lodging for the coming night ? Can it be, that the 
wealthy and luxurious citizens realize, that there are 
at this moment, within a stone's throw of sumptuous 
halls, parties, and revels, frequently one hundred human 
beings huddled in a dreary rookery, which pays more 
rent by piece-meal, than our best dwellings. Yet 
they are dilapidated, filthy, and unglazed, often two or 
three families in a single desolate room, with the wind 



256 DISTRESS IN NEW YORK. 

whistling through broken windows, as they crowd 
around a pan of charcoal, whence they are inhaling 
the fumes of death ! Can our humane and affluent 
ladies know, that while thousands are idly lavished 
in ostentation, extravagance, or pernicious indulgence, 
there are just around them, thousands of virtuous 
women and innocent children, shivering in cellars, gar- 
rets, and tottering hovels, pining in shrinking wretch- 
edness, for the food and clothing, which they cannot 
find employment to earji, even when they have health 
and strength to labor ! Disease in all its most terrific 
forms, fed by famine, exposure, and sleeping oh scanty 
rags in foeted dews, often in close contact with the 
damp earth, or scarcely protected from the inclement 
sky, is here entirely at work, and Death is too often 
the only friend that proffers rehef. A sad and revolt- 
ing picture, yet one that should be urged on the public 
attention — for alas ! the grim reality is knocking at 
our doors. Something must be done to alleviate the 
condition of the poor, and done now. The alms-house 
is full, and who that knows what it is, dare speak of it 
as a refuge for the destitute." 

In the same paper, is the following notice : 
" Remember the Poor. — The ladies of Dr. Spring's 
congregation meet as a sewing circle to-day, in the 
Sunday-school room of the Brick Church Chapel, to 
make up clothing for the destitute poor of our city. 
We are requested by one who feels great interest in 
their benevolent object, but is not a member of that 



disthess in new york. 257 

society, that donations of cloth, or second-hand cloth- 
ing, transmitted to this circle, will speedily reach the 
freezing inhabitants of our miserable cellars, doubled 
in value in its progress." 

In another number is the following notice, dated 
January 15, 1842.— 

" Great Sufferings of the Poor of our City.— The 
Relief Association find many in starving circumstances, 
out of employment, and destitute, and having fed over 
1000 persons in four days, are pressed for aid beyond 
their means, and will be compelled to stop next week 
unless the liberal will sustain them. Meat, bread, 
clothing, &c. will be well given out, if sent to 187 
Bowery." 

We believe that these feeling appeals have been fully 
responded to, and that much relief has been afforded to 
the sufferers. But are we awake or not ? Here is a 
number from thirty to fifty thousand in a state of starv- 
ation — say the medium of forty thousand. This is 
13 1-3 per cent, on a population of 300,000. Can 
this be possible 1 Is there so much distress and deep 
misery in America? 

There must be some mistake. " In my country such 
scenes are never witnessed." Let Mr. Lester immedi- 
ately come out against the Government, against the 
corn laws, against the aristocracy of America. 

But the corn laws are moderate, the Government is 
the people's own, and there is no aristocracy — oh ! no. 

We are all sovereigns, every one of us — and why is 

22 



258 DISTRESS IN NEW YORK. 

there such distress ? We cannot tell. Republicanism 
cannot, it seems, keep it away. The ultra Democratic 
double distilled Republican Young Men's Convention, 
cannot save society from those common evils which 
afflict the oppressed countries of Europe. Hunger and 
cold will not even respect the sovereign people. It 
is hard that the heirs apparent to the throne, are also 
heirs to the commonest sufferings of our nature. If it 
had only been the gout, said Chesterfield, but rheuma- 
tism, a porter's complaint, it is too bad ; and that too 
on the " only spot of God's green earth, where liberty 
dwells," and which is a refuge to all the poor and mis- 
erable of Europe. 

Far be it from us to speak lightly of human suffering 
in any shape, or wherever it exists. We are merely 
showing the absurdity of those pretensions which are 
ever set up by such authors as Mr. Lester. Here we 
have people famishing for want, freezing from cold, in 
thousands, and living in damp and unwholesome cel- 
lars, and the information comes from the best authority. 
And the halls are here too, the sumptuous halls, and 
the gay assemblies of people, rolling in wealth and 
splendor." Do let us have a work on the shame of 
America, denouncing the whole race, who have dared 
to get rich, to utter destruction. 

What difference can it make, whether the ball be 
led down by a Dutchess at Almacks, or by Governors, 
Generals, Congressmen and cook-maids ? They can 
have no right to spend their money in giving employ- 



BRITISH AND AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. 259 

meiit to those who furnish for these occasions. It has 
been decided that every pair of diamond ear-rings, and 
every ball dress, drives the poor to rob, and steal, and 
commit every vice. And what is immorality in Bri- 
tain, must be so in America. The British Government 
has for the last twenty years labored to lighten the 
burdens of the people, and to benefit the working 
classes. The American Government, during very deep 
distress, took no steps but such as augmented the evil. 
The government of President Harrison, w^e doubt not, 
sincerely felt the duty of doing all that a government 
can do for a people. But the time was not afforded 
them to do so, and the caprice and folly of the people 
and their representatives, are again carrying matters 
into an opposite direction. 

" The poor ye have always with you," was the say- 
ing of Him who spake as never man spake ; and every 
attempt to destroy the ranks which exist in society, 
has ever, and must ever prove abortive — being in di- 
rect violation of one of the deepest seated principles 
of our nature. The transcendentalism which would 
shut out the inhabitants of a country from all other 
countries, in order to maintain a kind of forced level 
between the working classes and the holders of capi^ 
tal, is as absurd as it would be pernicious, if it could 
be effected. Mr. Lester is a profound admirer of 
Dickens. As the latter gentleman is now here, we 
propose that he should carry him through the New 
York Alms-house, in order to get some fresh hints for 
his next work. 



260 LIBERTY AND ITS SUPPORTS. 

We have merely presented a picture of one large 
city in the Union — doubtless others would exhibit 
great distress to the eye of the philanthropist. The 
State Governments who have repudiated their bonds, 
have done much to effect this, and it requires no seer's 
powers to predict, that the fatal effects of this conduct 
have not been felt to the full extent. The foreign im- 
ports will be wanted to fill an exhausted Treasury, 
when they cannot be got. 

Much has been said about the want of liberty in 
Britain. We propose to compare the state of liberty 
in that country with its state in America. We will 
define our views of liberty. W^e conceive it to be a 
system which maintains the protection of person and 
property ; which secures every individual right not in- 
consistent with such protection ; which sustains the ma- 
jesty of the law, and contains powers within itself to 
prevent the loss or abeyance of these inestimable 
blessings, and to make such changes in the laws as the 
advancing state of the world requires. This liberty, 
it has been well observed, has four important supports ; 
Liberty of speech, right of petition, trial by jury, and 
a free press. On these four massive wheels the ma- 
jestic car of liberty can alone be borne. Take away 
any one of them, and it must move heavily along ; — 
take two away, and the car of liberty is in the dust. 

" English liberty (says our author) had its broadest 
foundations during his (i. e. Cromwell's) splendid ad- 



CROMWELL AMD BONAPARTE. 261 

ministration." Now, we never knew any man who 
was a genuine friend of liberty, who admired Oliver 
Cromwell. With such persons you will invariably find 
that it is republicanism, not liberty, that they admire. 
It is not tyranny that they dislike, but monarchy. 
Cromwell was like many republicans, a seeker of pow- 
er. Republicanism was with him as with Napoleon 
Bonaparte, the ladder by which he reached that power. 
Both kicked away the ladder, when the power was at- 
tained. Will our author say what stone was ever laid 
on the temple of freedom by Cromwell after he reach- 
ed his elevation 1 He broke up the remains of the 
Rump Parliament with a military force, crying out as 
the last vestige of popular power disappeared : — " Take 
away that bauble." 

He summoned another Parliament consisting of his 
own creatures, who went such lengths in folly, that 
even their master was ashamed of them. Part of the 
proposals of these enlightened legislators, was to burn 
all records of past events, to abolish all learning, and 
that the world should begin a-new. He broke them 
up, and ruled by a military despotism, without control., 
or even the appearance of it. He would gladly have ac- 
cepted the offer made to him by his sycophants, of the 
crown, but was afraid to do so. He had a splendid for- 
eign administration, it is true, and the manner in which 
he kept the haughty Roman Cathohc sovereigns of the 
Continent in order, and shielded the persecuted followers 
of the Protestant faith, must ever redound to his credit. 
22* 



262 REPUBLICANISM Sine LIBERTY. 

But Edward Third had a splendid administration — 
so had Henry Fifth, and so had Queen Elizabeth ; and 
yet the whole race is condemned by our author without 
mercy, while he who put on the garb of freedom, but 
disowned its high and holy principles by his practice, is 
held up to approbation by a man calling himself a re- 
pubHcan. We have often been astonished to hear 
men styling themselves democratical republicans, 
praising Napoleon Bonaparte. That unprincipled man 
went farther lengths than Cromwell, and yet because 
he was not born to royalty, and because he overturned 
ancient dynasties, he is still looked on with respect by 
republicans, and all his tyranny and ambition are for- 
gotten. The splendid administration, and splendid tal- 
ents of these ambitious men, only rendered them more 
dangerous to the liberties and indt pendence of nations. 

The solution of such strange inconsistency is plainly 
this, that many republicans are not favorable to liberty, 
and many understand nothing of its genuine principles. 
It is too readily assumed that republicanism is synony- 
mous with freedom, but such is not necessarily the case. 
Oppression by a majority is just as much oppression as 
by a king or aristocracy ; and the oppression becomes 
truly fearful, when that majority delegates its power to 
wicked and selfish men, and is so ignorant that it is not 
aware when that power is abused. 

Liberty has three great stages. The first is a desire 
for national independence; the second is to add to 
national independence, the enjoyment of personal 
freedom, and of such social and political privileges as 



STAGES OF LIBERTY. 363 

are necessary for an enlightened community. The 
third, in addition to the other two, arises when the na- 
tion is so enlightened as fully to estimate all the ad- 
vantages of these high privileges, and to desire to see 
them extended to all nations less favorably situated. 
In short, it^is the progress of that law of love which 
makes a man love his neighbor as himself. This does 
not show itself by coarse and insolent boasting, as some 
nations indulge in, far less by forcing institutions on 
other countries. It is a calm, and temperate, and pru- 
dent system, instructing by its voice and example, pro- 
tecting the weak when there are just grounds of inter- 
fering, and ever engaged in breaking down those bul- 
warks of separation and disunion which have so long 
estranged the human family from each other. 

On the first head we need say little as to Britain or 
the United States. The independence of Britain has 
not been seriously threatened from the days of the 
Spanish Armada, till the time of Napoleon Bonaparte. 
That fearful war, which the friends of liberty in Bri- 
tain almost unanimously disapproved of, in a few years 
changed its character. It was no longer a war to stop 
the progress of that liberty in France, which every 
free heart hailed with rapture. The atrocious mon- 
sters who carried through the French Revolution, soon 
showed that liberty with them meant only power, and 
republicanism only death to all who differed from them 
in opinion. It then became, under the brilliant milita- 
ry Despot, a war for the national independence of 



264 BRITAIN AND HER ENEMIES. 

every country, and Britain threw herself into the arena, 
and never came out till she had achieved her own in- 
dependence and those of surrounding nations. 

All were lost in admiration of her heroic conduct, and 
all heard wdth delight the resound of those astounding 
blow^s, given in the cause of the independence of na- 
tions but one people, and those were her own descen- 
dants. 

A world was up in arms, and then a spot 
Not quickly found, if negligentlj"- sought, 
Thy soul as ample as thy bounds are small, 
Endured the brunt, and darest defy them all. 

When the Lion was encompassed in the toils of the 
whole Avorld, then w^as the time chosen for striking the 
parricidal blow\ Oh 1 it w^as of no consequence that 
Britain was resisting the most dangerous power of an- 
cient and modern times. It was of no consequence 
that she was the only "refuge of the oppressed against a 
wicked and unprincipled tyrant. Some little matters 
about a few sailors' rights were to be settled, and the 
magnanimous states joined the enemy alike of freedom 
and national independence. 

We have said that national independence is the first 
stage of freedom. That was secured by the United 
States at the Revolution, \vhich was won by the wis- 
dom and patriotism of the Fathers of that Revolution, 
and by the valor and constancy of the people. But it is a 
great mistake to suppose that nriional independence is 
necessarily liberty. The Russians, fought bravely for 



LIBERTY IN ENGLAND. 265 

their national independence, when invaded by the 
French, but had they any idea of personal freedom ? 
Certainly not. The Don Cossacks followed their chief- 
tains to battle with all the faithfulness and ferocity of 
feudal times, but never looked, nor hoped for personal 
"freedom. Had the mass of the people of Spain any 
correct ideas of their personal rights, when they resisted 
the most atrocious and treacherous attacks of Bona- 
parte ? A few patriots had, and they suffered for 
it, but the mass of the people, when the beloved 
Ferdinand returned from captivity, threw up their caps 
for " absoluto rei." 

Many nations have conquered their independence 
and never reached the second stage, viz. the enjoyment 
of equal rights and privileges. It is long since Britain 
entered on the second stage of her political existence? 
and her institutions are the basis on which all who 
have attempted to erect the fair fabric of freedom have 
mainly rehed for their foundation. Her liberty was 
recognized at Runymede, it was fully estabhshed at 
the Revolution of 1688, and it was surrounded by a 
wall of adamant, and received fresh dignity and lustre 
by the Reform Bill of 1832. It growled defiance 
at the too powerful Plantagenets and Tudors. It 
grew up in its strength, and for ever drove the weak 
and tyrannical Stuarts from the land. It has conquer- 
ed more insidious foes in modern times. Dark cloud^ 
in times of turbulence and shaking of nations, have for 
a time shaded its majestic brow. It has survived 



266 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

them all, and now stands out in all its power and 
might, a star of surpassing brightness to guide the sur» 
rounding world. 

Let us see how the United States stand in this re- 
spect. The national independence, we have said, was 
secured at the Revolution, and we are certain is safe 
against all foreign interference. Every man would 
rally around the standard of his common country, if at- 
tacked by a foreign power, having conquest in view. 
But so would the Russians, so would the Turks, so 
would the Persians. Would such conduct show that 
they were free, or understood the principles of freedom 
and rights of free men ? Certainly not. But there is 
no risk of foreign war upon the United States, unless it 
is brought on by themselves. Just let them act with 
common discretion, and the ordinary portion of respect, 
which one country should show to another, and they 
will never be put to the trouble of defending them- 
selves, or attacking their neighbors. 

But did the American nation enter into the second 
great stage of liberty, viz. the possession of equal rights, 
when they secured their national independence ? Doubt- 
less it was the desire of the founders of the nation, tha^ 
they should do so. There breathed not a wish within 
the pure and noble breast of George Washington, incon- 
sistent with genuine freedom. We cannot mention 
the name of that great and good man, without thinking 
of what a noble order was his ambition, when compared 
with that of the vulgar and vain glorious ambition of 



'^ 



BRILLIANT ADMINISTRATION. S67 

Cromwell and Bonaparte, — and yet we are quite certain 
that had Washington struck down the new institutions 
of his country, and made himself despot of it, he would 
have been more admired by politicians of Mr. Lester's 
class, than he now is. 

If he had only secured a brilliant administration, so 
as national pride and vanity would have been flattered, 
liberty might have been allowed to take her flight to 
other regions. But that illustrious man never harbored 
such a thought, but ever threw his weight into the scale 
of freedom and equal rights. These were secured to 
the American people by the fathers of the revolution, 
with one fearful exception, viz : Slavery. Doubtless 
these wise and good men believed, that slavery could 
not long exist in a country having free institutions. 

Ask yourselves now, ye republicans, ever boasting of 
your freedom, what use you have made of that freedom, 
so nobly bequeathed to you by your ancestors 1 What 
fruit have you produced from that plant of renown, 
which was sown by the wisdom and care of Washing- 
ton, of Franklin, and of Adams, under the overruling 
care of a gracious Providence. Sist yourselves at the 
bar of public opinion and answer. Can you say, that 
you have improved that talent of countless value, em- 
ploying it in enlarging the bounds of freedom, and sur- 
rounding it by new bulwarks, and in sustaining the 
rights of private judgment. Oh ! you can say no such 
thing. You cannot even say you have hid your talent 
in a napkin, for you have lost much of what was en- 
trusted to you. 



268 HEIRS APPARENT. 



What ! do not our lecturers assure us, that we are | 
the freest people on earth ? Do not our orators on the ^ 
fourth of July, assure us that there is nothing to be , 
compared to us for greatness, and goodness, and noble- ' 
ness of character. Do not our pulpits on Thanksgiv- J 
ing Day, also confirm their statements ? Was it not a ; 
few weeks ago only that Mr. Austin, lecturing at New ! 
York, assured us, we were the great, enhghtened, and • 
freest country, the chivalry of the earth — and has not • 
Mr. Lester, who is a clergyman, assured us, on the word j 
of an American, name unknown, who had it from Lord i 
Byron, that America is " the only spot on God's green ; 
earth, where liberty dwells." 

This is all true, but then these people flatter and de- \ 
ceive you, and keep you in ignorance of your true j 
character. You are all sovereigns, despotic sovereigns, . 
or heirs apparent at least, and when was the truth ever j 
told to despotic sovereigns ? Chtus lost his hfe for tell- 
ing it to the haughty Macedonian, and John Quincy : 
Adams has been repeatedly threatened with similar 
consequences, for speaking truth to the sovereign prin- i 
ces of America. Is this not so 1 Ask yourselves every ! 
one of you that can put two ideas together. \ 

Your republic is not yet sixty years old, and already '. 
two of the wheels are off your chariot of liberty, and ' 
your chariot lies in the dust. Freedom of speech is ^ 
gone in that place, where it should ever be most sacred. , 
Right of petition has been trampled under foot. Mr. \ 
Lester may trace the track of the car of freedom where \ 

i 
] 



AMERICA ENTREATED. 269 

he pleases, but he will find no trace of it in the United 
States. If he will search well, he will find its remains 
at Washington, crushed under a pile of resolutions, and 
held down by the force of an extra guard belonging to 
the Juggernaut car of slavery, which now rides tri- 
umphantly through the land. 

Yes, it is even so, and who would not weep tears of 
blood at the spectacle, if it w^ere only on account of the 
noble founders of the nation, whose memories and prin- 
ciples are now for ever laid aside, " and no action to be 
taken on them." 

« How shall a verse impress thee, by what name 

Shall I advise thee not to court thy shame ? 

By theirs, whose bright example, unimpeached, 

Directs thee to that eminence they reached — 

Heroes and worthies of days past, thy sires ? 

Or his who touched their hearts with hallowed fires." 

Yes, you have sustained your national independence, 
but lost your individual rights, and you know it not. 
Your souls have lost that holy flame of liberty, which 
burnt in the heart of your noble founder, and which he 
inherited from that very Britain which you traduce 
Your representatives have trampled in the dust, privi- 
leges over which they have no control, but which were 
guaranteed to the people by the Constitution. 
F Mr. Lester, who has met with the approbation of his 
countrymen, talks with contumely of the Plantagenets 
and Tudors. These were not the halcyon days of light 
and liberty, such as now exist in England. But there 
23 



270 SCENES AT WASHINGTON. 

i 

was even among the stern barons, and honest burgesses \ 
of those days, sufficient knowledge of human rights to 
make it the first business of their assembhes to demand i 
from their kings, liberty of speech. Well did these pa- ■ 
triarchs of freedom know that without that inestimable i 
privilege, there can be no freedom. 

And what have the Assemblies of America done for ' 
years past ? They choose their speaker, and almost \ 
the next act is to ask the clerks, to look out for the : 
gags which were left in the closet at the end of last 
session. In vain the honest men of Massachusetts make i 
wry faces and complain that their jaws suffered so much ; 
from the painful process of last session, that they did not 
wish to put them in again. They had felt so comforta- I 
ble during the vacation, having lived among their | 
honest constituents, many of whom pitied their suffer- j 
ing and had authorized them to say to the House, I 
that they disapproved of the gags. j 

But let us look a little closer at what is passing in j 
the House. See that venerable man rising from his ' 
seat. His head is covered with the frost of seventy 
years, but his eye is not dimmed, nor his natural force 
abated. He holds a paper in his hand. The slave- 
holders rush around him. But he is unmoved. He 
announces that this is a petition from Massachusetts 
for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 
He is interrupted with cries of order — order — and the 
Chairman is ordered immediately to bring out the gags, 
and lay them on the table, to be ready for use, and they 
are brought out accordingly. What ! will this man talk 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 271 

to US of slavery, the pride of our country, the corner 
stone of our free institutions ? — down with him! 

In vain the venerable orator adjures them to remem- 
ber that liberty of speech and right of petition are so- 
lemnly included in the constitutional bond, that right 
of petition was sacred, even under the most despotic 
governments. He has some sturdy and honest support- 
ers, who dare call in question " the peculiar Institution" 
in a description of flank attacks, for few dare attack it 
in front. But it is all in vain. 

Is not this the venerable man, who once stood at the 
head of his country's government, whose early life was 
passed with Washington, with Franklin, with Jeffer- 
son, and with his noble minded sire. All is forgotten. 
He is rudely stopped. The motion is put that the 
gags be now inserted. It is done — every man has to 
open his mouth, and receive the mark of the " peculiar 
Institution," and there they sit, a spectacle of joy to those 
who love tyranny and oppression, and of mixed indig- 
nation and pity to the lovers of freedom. The sallow 
visages and lantern jaws of the southern members feel 
no inconvenience from the operation, and the grin of their 
mouths, is a grin of triumph. But oh, how humbling 
to the sons of freedom from New England — all who 
are nearest to old England in her feelings and princi- 
ples, have the crimson blush of shame on their cheeks, 
while big tears of deep and bitter indignation course 
down many a manly face. 

Hail Columbia ! land of the free ! 



272 FREEDOM IN CANADA. i 

But the process is done. " Order reigns in Warsaw.'' I 

The gags are taken out, and laid on the table, not with . 

the intention " that no action should be taken on them," • 

but that they be put i n, whenever the word slavery ] 

is mentioned — Why ? because slavery w^ould remind of | 

liberty, and that would be inconvenient. And so the ; 

session passes, and the gags are put in, as often as they I 

are required, under the law. And is not this a strange ■ 

inconsistency, for the people's representatives to gag \ 
themselves 1 

If the Parliament of Canada w^ere to be forbidden ; 

by the government to speak on certain subjects, and if ' 

a certain class of petitions 'should be prohibited from ' 

being received, there would be no end to the sympathy { 

of the American people, with the sufferers under des- ,; 

potic power, and sure we are the Canadians would not : 

submit to these things for a week. And what differ- \ 
ence is there between the oppression of a king or a 

queen, and the oppression of a majority ? " Would | 
free Americans submit to this," says our author. We 
know not what they woidd submit to, in the present 

day, but we know what they have already submitted : 

to. And what has the country done while these ; 

sad acts have been perpetrated ? JYothing, i 

A few despised abolitionists, have raised their \ 

feeble but honest cry against them. But the mass j 

of the people, Oh, could they be expected to leave ; 

the business of making money, or of losing it, for such i 

questions as right of petition or freedom of speech — or I 



GAG LAWS. 273 

could the politicians give up their 'patriotic pursuits for 
the purpose of sustaining the great claims of hberty ? 
Impossible ! the very men who have shaped and fash- 
ioned the gags, the master carpenters, have been'again 
returned by their constituents to pursue a system which 
alone seems level to their capacities. The locofocos 
were busy dividing the spoils, and the whigs struggling 
for the ascendency, but all would rather sacrifice the 
constitution than lose one political vote. The whigs, 
it must in fairness be stated, have ever turned out the 
largest number for maintaining the right of petition. 
The fire of liberty yet burns in some of their breasts, 
while they who are called democrats par excellence, 
with a few exceptions, show not the slightest regard 
for the principles of their forefathers. And both des- 
pise and detest the honest abolitionists. And is this 
the effect of universal suffrage? It is even so. 

When was there an instance in Britain of the 
people's petitions being rejected? Even the most 
ultra radical petitions are readily received — and 
the Chartists, led by a band of miscreants, who have 
shown that they only want plunder and bloodshed — 
even their petitions were received with respect. Pity 
the member of the British parliament who should re- 
fuse to present a petition ! His face would never again 
be seen in St. Stephens. His political days would be 
for ever numbered. 

The British constituency regards the right of suffrage 
merely as a means towards an end, and closely watches 
23* 



^Ti EIGHTS OF MINORITY. 

all the measures which are brought forward in parlia- 
ment. Copies of all bills are forwarded to every place 
which has any particular, or local interest in the matter. 
The people meet in wards, and corporations, and in 
cities and counties, and pass resolutions, all of which 
receive the fullest consideration in Parliament. 

A gag law passed in Parliament could not Jast a 
week. Such a storm of public indignation would burst 
forth from every quarter — Tory, Whig and Radical — it 
would be all ahke, and it would be swept away by the 
besom of destruction, and along with it every member 
who had sanctioned such an atrocity. 

But it has been said, where is the use of petitioning, 
when a majority of the people appoint the representa- 
tives. Why one important object of petition is to let 
the weaker party be heard. How soon may that 
weaker party become a majority, if reason and argu- 
ment are allowed to have their sway ? Because a man 
belongs to a minority, that is no reason why he should 
lose his rights as a citizen, and that minority may be 
within the least shade of a majority, and yet never 
be heard, if the powers of a majority can be exercised 
in such a tyrannical manner. 

Besides, many measures may be brought before the 
legislature which the majority of the country approve 
of, and which may be in jeopardy, and that majo- 
rity has no mode of expressing their opinion, but by 
petition or memorial. Members may no doubt be in- 
structed to vote in aparticular way, but we regard that 



BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUFFRAGE. 275 

practice as rather controlling the private judgment, 
and conscience, which should be left free, except to the 
influence of such arguments as may be addressed either 
to the house in a body, or to the members individually. 
When petitions and memorials are addressed to the 
houses of legislature, let them decide as their merits 
deserve. That is the business of the legislature. To 
reject these petitions or memorials, without considera- 
tion, or to make regulations that no action shall be 
taken on them, is ^ni\xe\y ultra vires, and strikes down 
one of the most important safeguards of hberty. 

In Britain, the suffrage is not so widely extended as 
in America — above one million of the most intelligent 
men in the w^orld elect the members of Parliament. 
That constituency contains the intellect and high moral 
and religious principles of Great Britain. 

In America, all vote in the most populous states ex- 
cepting the colored race, and the constituency care lit- 
tle for the measures passed, unless they affect the in- 
terests of their political party. The suffrage is the 
grand matter with a vast proportion — to march up to 
the poll, and wdth all the dignity of an heir apparent, 
deposit his vote for the man he generally knows no- 
thing about — that is American liberty. 

In Britain, the jealousy of freedom forbids all place- 
men from interfering in elections, and even deprives 
them of the elective franchise. In America, the re- 
tainers of government not only march up to the polls, 
but direct the movements of their party, and the flags 



276 SCENE IN WEST INDIES. 

of faction are openly brought out from the government 
offices. In Britain no holder of office is changed with 
the Government, excepting a few of the high political 
place men. The public are served by men who have 
been all their lives in some particular branch of the 
public service, and who are promoted by seniority or 
superior talent. In consequence, the public business is 
well done. In America, the victors take the spoils, 
generally speaking, and new men are constantly brought 
into office, not in consequence of their fitness for it, but 
from the claims of political partizanship ; and the pub- 
lic business is not well done. 

We shall now change the scene for a short time, 
and ask our readers to go with us to that beautiful 
group of islands lying on the southeast coast of Amer- 
ica. See that tempest driven vessel straining under 
the gale. The wind blows her direct on the coral 
reefs, and she strains every nerve to reach the harbour 
of the nearest of the group. The stripes and stars 
are at her mast head. She safely enters the port, and 
is boarded from the shore. What ship is that ? We 

are the , from Virginia, to New Orleans, with a 

cargo of dry goods and other articles. What are the 
other articles ? Before an answer can be got to this 
question, a number of black heads appear above the 
hatches. They shout, " Oh ! Massa, save us, Good 
Massa ! give us freedom. Send us ashore, and let us 
work." The master demands a guard to protect the 



RELEASE FROM SLAVERY. 277 

other articles of his cargo which are about to run 
away. The British officer informs him that his soldiers 
cannot he employed as jailers, that the cargo must 
be set free, as they are now on the soil of a British 
Possession, which can be trodden by none but free 
men. And they are set free accordingly. 

Their sable countrymen crowd around them, and 
welcome them to the land of freedom, from which the 
scowl of the overseer, and lash of the driver have for 
ever fled. Loud are the complaints of the American 
slaveholders. They demand from Britain the price of 
blood. But they are told — " We paid you for two 
cargoes of human beings cast on our coasts, before 
slavery was entirely abolished here, rather than give 
up those men who were cast on our protection by that 
Being, w^hom the winds and the weaves obey. But 
slavery is wath us past and gone. These men have 
placed themselves under our protection. We will not 
give them up, neither will we pay the price.^' Say 
whether this conduct is on the side of the shame of 
England or America. 

But let us change the scene, and observe that small 
schooner, hovering over the coast of Connecticut, which 
with the neighboring state, w^e were told received the 
best blood of England, when the Puritans left it. Let 
us again test the principles of the present generation. 
The vessel is suspected, and she is boarded by a United 
States boat. She is a coasting vessel from Cuba, with 
about fifty slaves, who have risen on their oppressors, 



278 AMISTAD AFRICANS. 

and taken their freedom. Doubtless^they will be well 
received in a country, where the first settlers emigrated 
from their own land, to enjoy full liberty of conscience ; 
and where their immediate predecessors changed their 
government, on account of a stamp and tea tax. They 
will give them the right hand of fellowship — welcome 
to our arms, our friends and brethren ! Here you are 
safe from every harm — we will guard you from every 
foe, and will provide you with every supply for return- 
ing to your own land, from which you have been rudely 
torn. 

Oh ! here lies the strange error. Republicanism is 
not necessarily freedom as it is supposed to be. It is 
not so here. Instead of being welcomed, they are 
thrown into prison — instead of being praised for their 
gallantry in achieving their freedom, they are tried as 
murderers. No hospitality awaits them, but all con- 
cerned rush eagerly into court to make money by the 
capture of these oppressed children of Africa. Once 
more, Hail Columbia, land of the free and brave ! 

But they are not left to perish. The eye of Him who 
never slumbers nor sleeps, is on them. He raises friends 
in the hour of their need. There are yet some men to 
be found who love justice, and can feel for the distress, 
ed. These faithful men visit the captives — they learn 
all the particulars of this case of matchless oppression. 
They appeal to the laws to shield them from a gov- 
ernment, which would have willingly surrendered them 
to their Spanish oppressors, to receive such justice as 



EVIL TURNED INTO GOOD. 279 

the Havana has ever awarded to the colored race. 
Honor to those intrepid and righteous men, who plant- 
ed themselves between these poor strangers and the vin- 
dictive spirit of two powerful governments ! The stran- 
gers are educated through their means, and taught the 
knowledge of divine truth. As with Joseph of old — 
what was meant for evil, has produced good. — Great 
and marvellous are all thy works. Lord God Almighty, 
just and true are all thy ways, Oh thou King of 
Saints!! 

But the danger is yet imminent — many months are 
these men retained in bondage. A decision is expected, 
surrendering them as the property of their Spanish mas- 
ters. A United States vessel is prepared with match- 
less promptitude, to carry them to Havana, before an 
appeal can be entered to a superior Court. The com- 
manding officer humanely remonstrates, informing the 
Government, that the vessel could not contain so many 
persons below deck, and that they could not live on 
deck at that season of the year. He is told to obey his 
orders, and that is the only answer he can obtain. 
What folly, to think that humanity or justice were to 
1)6 taken into account when dealing with black men ! 
Oh ! America, where is thy blush. Did you not de- 
clare the slave trade piracy ? Is this the way you 
show your hatred of piracy, by surrendering to these 
murderers the men who had been proved at your own 
])ar to have been kidnapped by an act of that very pi- 
racy you nad so strongly denounced 1 



280 "cruel and oppressive BRITAIN." 

And what is ^' cruel and oppressive" Britain doing in 
the matter? Her ambassador is thundering at the doors of 
the Escurial, and telHng the haughty Castilian that the 
freedom of these poor Africans had been bought by her 
money by solemn treaty with Spain, that not one hair 
of their heads must be injured, and that they must be 
returned to their country. She applies at Washington 
too, reminding the United States Government of 
their duty as a Christian people, of their own acts 
against the slave trade, and entreating them as breth- 
ren to let these oppressed men go free. The appeal is 
rejected, and the case again pressed against these 
injured persons by the ultra democratical government 
of Republican America. 

After long delay, the day of final trial at last arrives, 
and who appears at the bar as the defender of these 
innocent men, but the intrepid and venerable Adams. 
For nearly forty years this distinguished man had ceased 
to practice as a lawyer. His time had been unceas- 
ingly devoted to the service of his country. Whether 
as chief magistrate or ambassador, whether pouring 
forth the words of wisdom in the National Assembly, or 
his vast store of science and general knowledge to de- 
lighted gatherings of the people, he has ever been re- 
markable for the soundness of his opinions, and for the 
high standard which he has acted up to as a pubHc man. 

All his pursuits are for the present laid aside, and he 
iJtands forth a fearless champion, to save fifty innocent 
men from being sacrificed on the altar of slavery, and 



SOLEMN SCENE. 281 

to save his country from the deep and ineffaceable guilt 
of procuriug sentence of condemnation to be passed 
upon them. 

All the rich stores of his legal knowledge, of his 
learning, his acuteness, his zeal, and his eloquence are 
brought to bear in favor of the accused, and in trium- 
phant and indignant exposure of their government pros- 
ecutors. The event is doubtful, and the friends of hu- 
manity tremble for the result. In the midst of the pro- 
ceedings, during the adjournment of the Court, a solemn 
scene occurs. In a moment, one of the Judges is sum- 
moned to the bar of the Judge of all. Oh ! the awful 
change to that individual ! He who had just left the 
judgment seat, and was about to determine the fate ot 
his fellow men, is now himself at the bar of the Eter- 
nal. Say, would that Judge when sisted before the eye 
of the Omniscient, presume to say that he had just been 
weighing the fate of " chattels," " things personal," 
" to all intents and purposes, not persons but things ?'' 
Would he dare to use such language before the 
righteous Judge w^hen speaking of his fellow men, 
when God has said " that he has made of one blood all 
that dwell on the earth 1" when he has stamped his 
own image on man, and put all living creatures under 
his feetl Oh! no. In that dread presence the 
haughty Virgiaian, the vain Kentuckian, stand on the 
same level with their crushed and afflicted slaves. 

The prisoners' venerable counsel made the best and 
most appropriate use of the striking visitation, and 
24 



282 

doubtless an awe fell on every member of the Court. 
The sentence of acquittal and liberation is pronounced, 
and the United States Government are driven out of 
Court. Honor to the Court which pronounced this just 
sentence. It is worthy of the best times, and of the pure 
fountain of English law and liberty from which it ema- 
nated. When liberty has for a time been obscured in 
England, often have Judges and Juries redeemed the 
country from disgrace. And honor to the illustrious 
Counsel. It casts a halo over the evening of his 
days more bright and pure, than if he had again been 
chosen President of the United States. And honor to 
all those who stepped forward in the cause of justice 
and humanity. When the busy, toiling, and careworn 
politicians of the day are for ever laid in their graves 
and forgotten ; when the Van Burens, the Clays and 
the Calhouns shall only be remembered as mere party 
politicians, then shall the names of Adams and of 
Tappan be pronounced with blessings on their head, 
as the friends of the human race. 

The Court stepped in and saved the honor of the 
country. And did free Americans acquiesce in this op- 
pression while it was transacting ? Oh ! yes. And what 
did the Press do in this emergency 1 Most of the public 
papers treated these men as murderers. None but the 
despised abolitionists stood by them. If the Courts had 
acted as the Legislature would have done, to lay the 
petitions on the the table, *• and no action to be taken 
on them," there was nothing to save these men, but 



CINQUE. 283 

the thunders of the British cannon at Havana, which 
we doubt not, would have been heard in their behalf. 

We trust the noble Cinque and his companions are 
now restored to the bosoms of their countrymen and 
their families, and that the trials they have undergone, 
and the important truths they have learnt, will never 
be effaced from their minds, but that they will aid in 
instructing their countrymen, by their voice and their 
example. 

" Brothers, I am resolved, that it is better to die than 
be a white man's slave, and I will not complain, if by 
dying I save you." — {Cinque to his comrades.) 

" No, no, thou never wast designed 
To feel the lash, to be confined 
To cotton-fields, to rice-swamps low, 
Or crouch beneath a driver's blow. 

" Thy brow serene, thy steadfast eye, 
Thy face of noble bearing high — 
All, all exclaim, it cannot be, 
That thou wast born to slavery. 

** And thou hast shown by lofty deeds. 
That in thine heart there lie the seeds 
Of greatness, which in Washington 
In times of death and peril shone. 

"Yes, thou did'st call—* Ho, brothers, die,' 
For better far it were than sigh 
In bondage, far from Congo's stream. 
Where wakes the sky, with beauty's beam. 

" Thou hast regained the heritage 
Thy father left, and every age 
Through coming time, shall speak of thee» 
As one not born to slavery," 



284 AMERICAN OLIGARCHY. 

It is truly melancholy to reflect that such scenes 
should be enacted in a country, where the people can 
put all to rights by choosing proper representatives. 
One great cause of the evil is, that the people are too 
little acquainted with the views and characters of those 
who are brought forward as candidates. Great benefit 
would be attained, if candidates would show them- 
selves before election, and satisfy the constituency of 
their fitness. Many who are now sent into the public 
assemblies, could not stand the test of such an ordeal. 

The individual returned by the nomination of cau- 
cuses of political partizans, cannot be the choice of the 
people, as they know nothing, or very little about 
them, especially those who have never been in public 
situations. 

Even in the election of a President, the voice of 
the people is sometimes little felt. 

The Tribune of 3d January says, " that the present 
system of nomination throws the election of a President 
almost entirely into the hands of active prominent poli- 
ticians." And the editor asks — " How many of the 
people have ever been directly, positively felt, in any 
National Convention ?" and adds, " in our opinion, not 
fifty thousand." It is well known, indeed, that Presi- 
dent Harrison, although in our humble opinion, far the 
best candidate brought forward by either of the great 
political parties, was not the choice of the majority of 
the people, and that the present Chief Magistrate was 
never thought of by any person to fill the important office. 



BRITISH CONSTITUENCY. 285 

So it appears after all, that the sovereigns are re- 
duced in practice to an oligarchy, not exceeding fifty 
thousand, and as has lately happened, an individual 
may come in, who would not have received a single 
vote. 

In Britain, the candidate for Parliament meets the 
constituency, and is strictly questioned as to his views 
on public measures. The intercourse is most beneficial 
to all parties. They learn each other's principles, and 
are guided accordingly. Much misrepresentation is 
often removed, and great light thrown on questions of 
public interest. The British constituency, fairly repre- 
sents, the virtue, patriotism, intelligence, and reli- 
gious principle of the country. The franchise is gen- 
erally exercised, after the most careful consideration 
of the fitness of the candidates. The American con- 
stituency contains more physical matter, but that phy- 
sical matter frequently controls the real mind and 
intelligence of the community. In Britain, the elective 
franchise is considered as a means to secure good laws? 
and good government. In the United States, with a 
vast mass, it seems to be regarded as the end itself, as 
they let their rulers set aside the great constitutional 
bulwarks of freedom, and make no remonstrance, and 
are apparently unconscious of what is going on. 

When measures unfavorable to liberty were carried 
through in former times, by Tory Governments in Bri- 
tain, there was always a large portion of the people, 
whose views went ahead of their rulers, and they never 
24^ 



-86 UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. 

ceased their exertions, till they got the organic changes 
necessary to secure their rights. Here the people have 
the matter in their own hands, and yet they are silent 
How are they to be brought up to the level of the age 
in which they hve ? 

Writers of Mr. Lester's stamp would like the Bri- 
tish constituency to be brought down to the level of a 
democracy, placing the power in every large city, in the 
hands of ignorant Irish laborers. It is our fervent pray- 
er that such a visitation may never afflict that country. 
It would add, unquestionably, considerably to the num- 
ber of the constituents, but throw the patriotism and 
intelligence into the shade. If the laboring man were 
equally enlightened as others, by all means let him 
vote. Poverty is no crime, and his property, howev- 
er small, and his life are equally precious to him, as 
to those of a higher grade. But it is a crime to place 
ignorance in the ballot-box, and to allow it to neu- 
tralize, or out-vote intelligence. It is a crime to raise 
up vast masses of party partizans, and allow them to 
throw into the shade, the virtue, and enlightened zeal 
of men, who really love their country, and understand 
her true interests. 

Look at the large and flourishing State of Ohio 
passing laws of unequalled severity against her citi- 
zens, for- giving a night's resting place to the weary 
bondman running from captivity, to the shelter of the 
broad banner of England. Both houses of her Legis- 
lature have recently passed votes of censure on .John 
Quincy Adams, for presenting a petition for the disso- 



SLAVE STATE SUPREMACY. 287 

lution of the Union. Can such crawling creatures be 
called freemen ? It is a delusion to think so. Humil- 
iating spectacle ! You trample in the dust, if you 
could, the man who defends your rights and privileges. 

We know what name would be applied to the com- 
pany on board a vessel which would throw over-board 
in a storm the man who best understood the manage- 
ment of the vessel. 

And Ohio must crouch under the power of the slave- 
holder ! Does she not know that because she had no 
bondmen within her domains, she has been so prosper- 
ous ? The smile of the Most High has been on her, 
and her garners are filled with plenty. But let her 
beware. The same hand that has raised her up, can 
also strike her down, and lay her pride and injustice in 
the dust. 

New York has acted a better part. Her bill, award- 
ing jury trial to the colored man before delivering him 
up to his proprietor, as he calls himself, is honorable to 
her Legislature.* But even the empire State, when 
annoyed by Georgia and Virginia, is obliged to resort 
to legal subtleties. She does not come out at onoe and 
say, " We are free, and our soil is free, we will have 
no bondsmen within our borders, neither will we sur- 
render them to you." But the constitution forbids 
this. We do not believe that it does. But if such be 
the case, the sooner the Constitution is altered, the bet- 

* The late decision of the Supreme Court will, we fear, pre- 
vent the operation of this wise and equitable law. 



288 GOVERNOR. SEWARD. 

ter. If a constitution has been framed which does not 
guard the sacred rights of conscience, and is inconsist- 
ent with the law of God, then let it be changed. 

But the opinion is so universally felt, that all is free- 
dom here, and that it is to be found no where else, that 
the inquiry is not seriously entered into. Although a 
man were to complain that he had been robbed, lynch- 
ed, tarred and feathered, his property destroyed, and 
no redress given, such is the impurturbable conceit of 
many people, that the next moment you would see 
some of them, looking up to their liberty poles, and 
declaring that " ours is the only country in the world, 
where liberty dwells." 

Governor Seward's last message aifords a striking 
proof of this. In speaking of the Southern and West- 
ern Bonds which have been repudiated, he says : " Sup- 
plies of capital have ceased — the works remain unfin- 
ished — the States fail to pay interest punctually : and 
since punctuality is the life of credit, then credit is ex- 
piring. The error of the States has been aggravated 
by other circumstances. To retrieve losses, they plead 
a failure of consideration, or want of authority on the 
part of their agents, or other excuse, against bonds 
bearing all the forms of guarantees of pubhc faith, 
and for which the authorities received and applied to 
public use, sums deemed equivalent. It is known 
throughout the world, and to none better than to capi- 
talists, that the people exercise absolute control over 
legislation, and it is doubted whether they will have 



AMERICAN COMPLACENCY. 289 

the virtue to maintain public credit under the inconve- 
nience of taxation. When we ourselves admit such 
apprehensions, can we be surprised that they should be 
entertained in countries taker e it is a maxim that man- 
kind mMst he governed hy fraud or force.^^ 

Now here is an exhibition from a good and enlight- 
ened man of that perfect self-complacencyj which 
seems peculiar to the country. While discussing a 
case of the most gross fraud ever attempted to be prac- 
ticed, a favorable contrast is sought to be drawn be- 
tween this country and others. Why, the debt is 
owing chiefly to Britain, and neither fraud nor force 
are the rule and practice of her government. But 
BOTH FRAUD AND FORCE are thrown into the scale against 
the unfortunate holders of Mississippi, Illinois and In- 
diana bonds : — fraud, pretending that they are illegal ; 
Jorce, because the power of the States is opposed to 
the claims of private individuals. We know not 
what could be pro-luced from the institutions of any 
country of a worse character than the institutions of 
the United States have produced of late years. 

We have shown what has become of freedom of 
speech in those halls where it should ever be most free. 
We have seen what has become of the right of peti- 
tion. We may next inquire if the press is free. There 
is no regular censorship on it as in France. It escaped 
the deadly blow aimed at it by the slaveholders, when 
a censorship of hundreds of post-masters was proposed 



290 MARYLAND FREEDOM. 

to be established. But we have had presses destroyed, 
and public meetings of respectable people to put down 
the press. Lately a gentleman was seized at Mary- 
land^ for wishing to report the proceedings of a Con- 
vention of slaveholders. See how instinctively these 
men dread the light. If all was right, would they not 
rejoice at the publication of their proceedings ? But 
no sooner was it known that a reporter was in the 
house, than he was apprehended and cast into prison. 
Has the north nothing to do with slavery 1 See how 
its encroachments go on, until they shall have absorb- 
ed the last remaining rights of the country. 

Is the press in the north possessed with the spirit of 
freedom, and yet did not resent this atrocious attack ? 
Impossible. The mass of the papers either did not 
notice it at all, or did so without remark. This Con- 
vention of slaveholders, who have framed resolutions 
still farther to protect "the peculiar institution," and 
to drive the free colored population from the State, is 
a novelty."^ Would it begin and close its preceedings 
with prayer ? They must have been such prayers as 
never before ascended to the throne of the Most High. 
We wonder if other Conventions will follow, and hope 
they will. When face answereth to face, they must 
tremble when they look on each other, assembled for 
such a purpose, and near the middle of the nineteenth 
century, too. 

Talk to the editors of our newspapers, and every 
man will say they hate slavery as much as you do, and 



FREE ASSEMBLIES. 291 

yet, with few exceptions, they say nothing against it, 
because their interest with their Southern readers is at 
stake. If they had only thundered against this unhal- 
lowed system as they would do in a matter of personal 
gain, it would long ago have been overturned. 

What freedom can exist in any assembly where a 
member shall dare to stand up and say, that if people 
of certain views came into his State they would be 
hanged, and another member threaten to cut the throat 
of his neighbor from ear to ear, if he spoke on a cer- 
tain subject. And yet there is no symptom of disgust 
with the mass of the people. No meeting called to 
remonstrate against such proceedings. Some of these 
very men have been since received in public with every 
mark of approbation. The spirit of freedom, we fear, 
is buried with Washington, or these miscreants would 
have been expelled from the House. 

The trial by jury remains to the country, and that is 
an invaluable blessing. But trials occupy so much 
time as they are now managed, that the men whose 
services are most valuable, shrink from the duty of a 
juryman. This evil should be corrected. Yet jury 
trial is, under any circumstances, an invaluable insti- 
tution, and so long as it remains to the country, there 
is hope. 

But it is not the absence of free expression in the 
halls and in the press, that we have alone to deplore. 
The very pulpit is infected with the leprosy. Listen 
to that pious divine pouring out his soul in prayers to 



292 CLERICAL CONSISTENCY. 

God for the heathen. How earnestly he longs for their 
salvation, that they may be all brought within the fold 
of the good and gracious Shepherd ! See these mis- 
sionaries solemnly devoted to carry the gospel to Sy- 
ria, to Hindostan and China. The clergymen in their 
addresses take a wide range over the whole heathen 
world. But do they ever even notice that there is a 
place on the face of the earth, where the inhabitants 
are prohibited from learning to read ; that it is in this 
very country, par excellence, styled the seat of free- 
dom 1 Oh ! the unutterable baseness of those laws ! 
Is it not enough that the colored race has been for 
generations crushed to the ground as wn-etched slaves ? 
Must their souls also be held in bondage to the prince 
of darkness ? Surely this is the cope-stone of human 
tyranny. The very hope of a better world, which, as a 
bright star in the distance, might cheer the slave 
through his dark and dismal career ; even of that he 
must be deprived by his cruel oppressor. 

But the Constitution forbids interference with sla- 
very. Does the constitution of China not forbid inter- 
ference with the religion of Confucius ? Do the laws 
of Mahomet not forbid the profession of all rehgions 
but his own ? And yet these constitutions are entirely 
overlooked ; and your missionaries make inroads on 
them from every side. In this you do well and nobly. 
But the Constitution of the United States cannot be 
touched — its immaculate purity, forsooth, must not be 
questioned ! Its merits dare not even be discussed in 



WHAT IS A SIN, per se. 293 

the legislative assembly without dishonor being cast upon 
the speaker. Why should the only " free spot on God's 
green earth" be the very spot where it is not safe to 
discuss a7iy public question. Discussion is ever courted 
where there is real freedom. The arch is not more 
surely tested by the weight which is placed on it, than 
are free institutions by the most unlimited range of 
discussion. 

But we must not even breathe a whisper, when pub- 
lic prayers are addressed to God about the horrors of 
the " peculiar institution." A few despised clergymen, 
chiefly of the more humble class, venture to do so, but 
how small is the number. How long will the minis- 
ters of religion pursue this course 1 How long will 
they refrain from lifting up their voices to heaven in 
behalf of the bondmen? There is no use in doing so, 
says one. Slavery is not a sin, per se, but only an 
evil, says another. I expect to inherit a property, 
with a supply of souls and bodies, says a third. I am 
afraid, says a fourth. And thus is the cause of truth 
and righteousness sacrificed. 

Mr. Adams has been censured for presenting a peti- 
tion praying for the dissolution of the Union. How 
often have the efTorts of the Irish agitator, O'Connell, 
produced petitions for the dissolution of the union o 
Britain and Ireland, and yet has any censure been pro- 
posed, or any obstacle been thrown in the way of their 
presentation and due consideration 1 And yet Britain 
has lost all vestige of freedom, and America is the only 
25 



294 IRISH UNION. 

" green spot," &c. This dissolution is a favorite objec'^ 
with the author of " The Shame and Glory, of Eng- 
land," But well does O'Connell know that it cannot 
be accomplished. Even he does not wish it — but it 
keeps up the agitation and fills his pockets. 

We think O'Connell loves his country too well to 
wish such a change, as Ireland would be by far the hea- 
viest sufferer by it. Ireland pays little more than the 
interest of her national debt, while the expenses of her 
government are almost entirely paid by Britain. A 
dissolution of the Union would roll that debt, and all the 
expenses of her government on her own head. Under 
the influence of good advice from this side of the At- 
lantic, she might soon rid herself of the first obligation. 
Only Britain would not allow such an arrangement, as 
she is guarantee for its payment. Many reasons 
might be given why this dissolution can never take 
place. But they are foreign to our present purpose. 

We have said that liberty consists of three stages : 
First, national independence. Second, the possession 
of individual rights. We have shown that liberty of 
speech, right of petition, a free press, and trial by jury, 
are necessary to the maintenance of individual li- 
berty. Britain has every one of these to the full. 
America has, for the present, lost the first two, and the 
third she enjoys 'practically to a very limited extent. 
The fourth is the only one she enjoys in full. There is 
another important privilege she does not fully enjoy. 



LOCOMOTION. 295 

viz. locomotion. If a man who holds abolition princi- 
ples goes into the south, he runs great risk of losing 
his life, and unless imperatively called to go there by 
a sense of duty, an immense part of the Union is shut 
out to the citizen of America, who is ever boasting of 
his freedom. It is a restriction on a par with the law 
of Republican Greece, which forbade all commercial 
intercourse, and even intermarriages between the in- 
habitants of the different states. Locomotion is literal- 
ly denied to the colored race, who cannot enter a rail- 
road car without the risk of being summarily ejected. 

But our author says, the parliament of Britain never 
conceded what are considered in America " inalienable 
rights." We ask what are inalienable rights, if these 
invaluable privileges are not in the number. These 
are indeed w^hat all the lovers of freedom consider " ina- 
lienable rights," and yet a majority of them have been 
surrenderred in America, without even a struggle^ 
This empire " that could not be conquered," has fallen 
without a struggle, by men appointed by the people 
themselves. 

The third grand stage of freedom is, when the lav/ 
of love takes possession of a country and government, 
and they desire to see every blessing which they enjoy 
extended to their fellow men, in every country and 
clime. We have said that this love does not show it- 
self in forcing institutions on other countries ; far less in 
silly attachment to universal suffrage, annual parlia- 
icent, and vote by ballot. These, or such institutions it 



296 WEST INDIA EMANCIPATION. 

is only desirous of adopting, to secure the triumph of 
equal law, the protection of life and property, the 
scrupulous guarding of the rights of the weakest, as 
well as the strongest, the universal progress of light, 
of science, and true religion. 

This spirit was in former times occasionally exhibit- 
ed by England, in the protection afforded by Ehza- 
beth, and her immediate successors, to the French? 
German, and Dutch Protestants, and it was nobly re- 
turned by the latter, when liberty of consciene was 
struck down by the tyrannical and foolish Stuarts. 
But the spirit has now burst forth in Britain, with a 
brilliancy that astonishes the world. The liberation of 
her 800,000 West India slaves, at an expense of one 
hundred millions of dollars, is the greatest act of justice 
and humanity that has ever been witnessed. They 
were British subjects no doubt, but they were placed 
at a distance of some thousands of miles from the mother 
country. No petition came up from them. If they had 
been presented they would have been respectfully re- 
ceived. But the slaveholders might have severely 
visited such a proceeding. The people of England, of 
Scotland, and of Ireland stood forth in their behalf. 
The press, the free press, labored incessantly in their 
cause, and the day of their release from bondage at 
length arrived. 

Acts of ardent love and kindness, from the pure 
source of Christianity have been practised by indivi- 
duals in modern times. A Howard has visited the pesti- 



CHRISTIAN PHILANTHROPY. 297 

lential prison, and died in the noble cause of alleviating 
the miseries of the human race. Elliot and Brainerd 
passed their lives ^nd devoted their energies to the con- 
version of the Indians of America. Krantz carried 
the rose of Sharon to the inhospitable deserts of Ice- 
land. But when has a nation done an act of pure jus* 
tice and mercy prompted by no other monitor than 
the admonitions of an enlightened conscience ? When 
all those glories which attract so much of the world's no- 
tice are forgotten, when Waterloo and Trafalgar are on- 
ly remembered as arenas, where wholesale destruction 
was perpetuated by man on his fellow-man, then shall the 
noble act of emancipation stand out in bold relief in the 
dark picture of this world's history, which is but a history 
of pride, selfishness and crime. 

But Britain did not stop with this act of justice. 
Deep was the stain on her escutcheon, and deep and 
sincere was her repentance, for being so long engaged 
in the miseries and in the profits of the atrocious trade 
in slaves. Britain having in 1807 abolished the trade, 
as far as she was concerned, after the peace of 1815 
arrived, it became one of her most important objects to 
accomplish its entire destruction. Spain and Portugal 
were deeply engaged in it. Who does not know what 
Britain did for these countries in the late war ? When 
the struggle was over she addressed them thus, " You 
owe every thing to us. Your national existence would 
have disappeared in the continental struggle with the 
tyrant of the world, but for our appearance in your 
25* 



298 SLAVE TRADE. 

country, and our immense expenditure of life and trea- 
sure in your cause. We ask nothing for ourselves. 
We leave you free of all debt or obligation. We 
have either received payment from the other continental 
sovereigns for the money we lent them, or compounded 
with them. From you we ask nothing. But in the 
name of our common humanity, in the name of that 
God whom we all profess to adore, we ask you to join 
us in repentance for the injuries we have done to the 
African race, and to stay your hands from the accursed 
traffic." 

The Spaniards and Portuguese pleaded the lucrative 
nature of the trade. They pleaded their poverty. As 
to their consciences, their priests kept them, and they 
were not uneasy ; and they refused or delayed to com- 
ply with the righteous and noble request. And what 
did Britain do ? What did " cruel and oppressive" 
Britain do 1 She said — " We thought the claims of 
gratitude might have induced compliance with our re- 
quest. But it is ever so. We waive them. We will 
buy the suppression of the trade, and to save our fel- 
low creatures from the man stealer, from the horrors of 
the middle passage, and the survivors from interminable 
bondage, we will pay the price." And with all her 
debt and with all her burdens, she paid these Spanish and 
Portuguese marauders six millions of dollars. The 
money was paid, but have the terms been faithfully com- 
plied with. Let Havana tell, where thousands of slaves 
have been every year imported, notwithstanding that 
this treaty was completed in 1820. 



BRITAIN AND UNITED STATES. 299 

Now what has free America done in this ^Teat cause ? 
She too abolished the slave trade in 1807 — and what 
have been her measures to make that abolition effect- 
ual ? More than twenty years ago she declared that 
trade piracy, and her messengers went on the wings of 
the wind to all the European powers, entreating them 
to join in their crusade against slavery. 

The nations were astonished. The friends of liberty 
rejoiced over such a proposal, and hailed with delight 
the fact, that a republic had at last appeared favorable 
to the freedom of others. A treaty was drawn up at 
Washington and forwarded to Britain, containing mu- 
tual arrangements for accomplishing this great and 
good work. The British Government eagerly signed 
this treaty. It was returned to Washington, ratified by 
the President, but the Senate rendered it a dead letter 
by their alterations. 

Britain has never ceased to urge upon the United 
States Government, the necessity of this measure being 
carried into effect — a measure proposed and drawn up 
by themselves. She has conjured and entreated them 
by the common origin of the countries, by the mutual 
guilt they have contracted, by their common faith, and 
by that advancing light which is diffusing its beams 
over the world, to join them in destroying this atrocious 
traffic ; but the last assurance she has received is, that 
no steps can ever be taken in the business, in the way 
of joint action, and that all farther application is use- 
less. The trade is known to be chiefly carried on unde 



300 THE OLD AND NEW WORLD. 

the United States flag. No doubt it is sometimes no- 
ticed in a President's message, and there is an agent on 
the coast of Africa for slaves liberated hy the United 
States vessels. Unquestionably the official duties of 
this gentleman must be arduous indeed ! Who ever 
heard of a slaver being captured by an American ves- 
sel ? So far from this, every obstacle is thrown in the 
way of Britain's noble course, by America. Even now 
are they trying to make a ground of quarrel for slaves 
being seized under the American flag. 

But they can't understand in this country, why Bri- 
tain should take so much trouble, in protecting these 
poor Africans, as they can divine no selfish motive in 
the case. Certainly not, they can't understand it. But 
the old governments of Europe, whom they are for ever 
traducing, France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, with 
all their sins, can understand it, and along with Britain 
have conceded the right of search for men stealers.* 
But they can understand it, when they are pursuing 
the British government for their " pound of flesh" when 
an overuling Providence has cast some of their vessels 
on the coasts of British settlements. And when the 
noble Cinque was cast on their shores, the ultra de- 
mocratical government of Van Buren could not under- 
stand why they should imitate the British government, 
and rather pay the price than give them up. But this 

* France has not ratified the last treaty, but this refusal does 
not invalidate a former treaty, conceding the right of search in 
certain latitudes. 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 301 

is easily explained, the one was receiving payment' 
and the other paying — and there lies the difference. 

But Britain must be destroyed, because she can no 
longer breast herself up against the advancement of 
humanity, "charity, virtue and happiness, these are 
English words still, but their meaning seems to have 
settled in America." Where we ask is that huma- 
nity, where that charity, which is love to our fel- 
low men, where the virtue, and the happiness ? Is the 
charity to be found in your conduct to the two mil- 
lions and a half of slaves, who are bought, sold, in- 
voiced, mortgaged, drawn upon, and treated as chat- 
ties ? Is it in your treatment of the Indians that you 
lay claim to this distinction 1 

The virtue and the happiness are of course with the 
slaves, who are kept in the enviable situation of not 
knowing right from wrong. 

Many of these unhappy people are the children of 
those who sit in high places. And yet you dare not 
plead for them in the house of legislation, for your re- 
presentatives are gagged. You dare not lift up your 
voice for them in your state assemblies, for you might 
be hissed out, or have the bowie knife plunged in your 
breast. You dare not petition for them, for your pe- 
tition would be tossed over the table with contempt, or 
laid on the " table, and no action taken on it." You 
dare not pray for them in the house of God, for the 
minister might lose nine tenths of his hearers, and the 
world, before duty seems the guide of the reverend the 



302 MODERN BRITISH HISTORY. 

clergy here. But one thing we cannot be prevented 
doing — we can yet in secret, and at the family altar, 
send up our prayers to Heaven's throne, for the op- 
pressed and persecuted. No obstacle is interposed by 
Him who weighs the '* nations in scales, and the hills 
in a balance." Wherever there is a devout and a 
humble heart, there is an attentive ear, and a present 
God. 

But Britain must be destroyed. Is it because she 
employs her war ships, for the first time in the history of 
the world, not in gratifying feelings of ill will and re- 
venge, and in dealing destruction to her fellows, but in 
breaking the chains of the oppressed, and setting the 
prisoners free ? Is it because she appeared in her 
might at Navarino, when the infant liberties of Greece 
were about to be crushed, and drove the Turk for ever 
from those classic regions ? Is it because she stretch- 
ed out her protecting arm, and bid the Syrian follower 
of Mahomet stay his hand, when it oppressed the an- 
cient people of God ? Is it because she has sent her 
ships, and her enlightened men to Africa, to carry 
knowledge, and civihzation, and for ever to bind up 
the wounds of that afflicted region ? Is it because she 
is raising up countless millions in India to the enjoy- 
ment of industry, commerce, knowledge, and above all 
of true religion ? If a nation falls when so employed, 
it will be new in the history of our fallen race. 

And America, where charity, virtue and happiness 
have taken up their abode, what is she doing ? Shade 



CHARITY AND VIRTUE IN AMERICA. 363 

of Washington ! how is she employed 1 Straining 
every nerve to break down the spirit of the few who 
dare to stand up for their rights. Quarrelling with 
Britain for the " pound of flesh" of another cargo of 
chattels just gone to the land of freedom ; threatening 
war for the seizure of slave vessels, declared to be pi- 
racy by her own laws j Louisiana controlling Ohio, and 
making her bend under her influence, and protecting sla- 
very by her laws and by her avowed hatred of freedom ; 
Maryland struggling to add new horrors to the abodes 
of slavery ; Georgia and Virginia bullying New York ; 
But even New York herself, destroying a just and true 
bill for preserving the purity of election. Precious 
exhibition of charity, virtue and happiness ! 

And is she doing any thing in her foreign policy to 
throw one redeeming trait into the darkness of this 
picture ? If she is, or has ever done so— let it be told, 
for history is silent on it. Has she showed any de- 
sire to enter the third stage of freedom ? Oh ! it would 
be refreshing to find some little, some very little rehef 
in favor of liberty in the " only green spot of God's 
earth where liberty dwells." 

Wherever liberty has lifted up its standard since the 
close of the wur in 1815, whether in Spain, in Portugal, 
or in Greece, there British subjects have been found 
in the foremost ranks, among the friends of freedom. 
It is the British legion, that has ever given the dead- 
liest blow to tyranny. 

When the United States raised the standard of na- 



304 AMEBICAN GRATITUDE. 

tional independence, Lafayette and his gallant band 
of Frenchmen rushed to their aid, and nobly contended, 
side by side, in a foreign land, till the object was ac- 
complished. When France was surrounded by foreign 
arms, and her newly acquired liberties were threat- 
ened with destruction, did she receive aid from Amer- 
ica, who owed her so much ? The American Legion 
may have been there, but we never heard of it. 
The generation of men who gained the independence 
of America, were yet in their vigour, when the French 
revolution broke out, but we never heard of one 
American who lifted an arm in payment of the inesti- 
mable obligation that France had laid her under ^ 
Many struggles for freedom have since been made 
but whoever heard of a native of the only " green spot" 
being engaged in them ? 

Britain must be destroyed. Oh ! if it were so, where 
would the world look for a friend to help the persecuted 
and distressed, and where would liberty find a refuge ? 
Would it be in France ? Let the silence of the gag- 
ged press be the ominous reply. Is it in Germany 1 
Let the broken promises of Prussia in the hour of her 
calamity, be the answer. Is it in Russi?*, let" Poland 
speak. But we must not be too hard rn Russia, for 
even there the liberty of petition is held sacred. 

But it seems Britian dreads the rivalry of the United 
States, more than any other competitor. Rival Britain ! 
would to God she would rival her, none would hail such 
an event with so much joy as Britian. But America 



RIVALRl. 305 

must raise her moral standard immeasurably higher, be- 
fore she can hope to rival her father land. 

Britain, old in years, but young in moral and intel- 
lectual vigour, is braking the chains of the world. Her 
counsels have lately produced the most extraordinary 
document of modern times, a charter of free religious 
opinion by the descendant of the False Prophet. Even 
now, two mighty Continents stretch out their arms 
to Britain and welcome their deliverers. The Black 
Sons of Africa, and the sallow Asiatics, have already 
tasted of their blessings from her hand, which no other 
people ever thought of bestowing on them, and now 
they look with eager delight, to the time which is just 
at hand, that will place them on the same level wdth 
the most civilized nations of the earth. 

In America, two millions and a half of her native- 
uorn inhabitants raise their supplicating eyes to heaven, 
and ask if their bondage is to be everlasting, while the 
chains are dropping off in every country and in every 
clime. 

Rival Britain ! Yes, you might rival her in doing good, 
and that would be a sight to make good men weep 
tears of joy, and angels look down with approbation 
from their glorious abodes. Your missionaries rival 
hers in converting men to God ; and why will you not 
rival her in breaking the chains of cruelty and op- 
pression ? 

To see the Union Jack and the Stripes and Stars ca- 
ring in company over the deep, in the track of the 
26 



306 HOPES IN THE DISTANCE. ' 

man-stealer, and rivalling each other who should be i 
the first on board to announce the tidings of freedom 
and safety to their miserable cargo , that would be a \ 
noble emulation, worthy of your common origin. j 

Will that day ever come ? There is at present small 
appearance of it, but we still have hopes of this coun- 
try, because the people are mostly of British origin. 
It cannot be, that those principles of freedom which 
their noble parent is sending to the most distant parts : 
of the earth, can find no sympathy among her de- ' 
scendants. Already there is a speck in the west, giv- \ 
ing promise of a brighter day.* Soon, we trust, will 
her orators convert the fulsome note of flattery into ' 
one of bitter and indignant remonstrance, for the loss of ; 
the rights bequeathed to them by their fathers, and of a 
firm and indignant demand, that this country shal^ ] 
adapt her institutions to the present advanced stage ot H 
the civilized world. 

* Meeting at Rochester approving of Mr. Adams' conduct. 



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